Caesar’s Commentaries on the Gallic and Civil Wars
With the Supplementary Books attributed to Hirtius
Including the Alexandrian, African and Spanish Wars
De bello gallico (Gallic Wars)
Book 1
58 B.C.
“caes.gal.1.1”:[1.1] All Gaul is divided into three parts, one of which the
Belgae inhabit, the Aquitani another, those who in their own language are called
Celts, in our Gauls, the third. All these differ from each other in language,
customs and laws. The river Garonne separates the Gauls from the Aquitani; the
Marne and the Seine separate them from the Belgae. Of all these, the Belgae are
the bravest, because they are furthest from the civilization and refinement of
[our] Province, and merchants least frequently resort to them, and import those
things which tend to effeminate the mind; and they are the nearest to the Germans,
who dwell beyond the Rhine, with whom they are continually waging war; for which
reason the Helvetii also surpass the rest of the Gauls in valor, as they contend
with the Germans in almost daily battles, when they either repel them from their
own territories, or themselves wage war on their frontiers. One part of these,
which it has been said that the Gauls occupy, takes its beginning at the river
Rhone; it is bounded by the river Garonne, the ocean, and the territories of the
Belgae; it borders, too, on the side of the Sequani and the Helvetii, upon the
river Rhine, and stretches toward the north. The Belgae rises from the extreme
frontier of Gaul, extend to the lower part of the river Rhine; and look toward
the north and the rising sun. Aquitania extends from the river Garonne to the
Pyrenaean mountains and to that part of the ocean which is near Spain: it looks
between the setting of the sun, and the north star.
“caes.gal.1.2”:[1.2] Among the Helvetii, Orgetorix was by far the most distinguished
and wealthy. He, when Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso were consuls, incited by
lust of sovereignty, formed a conspiracy among the nobility, and persuaded the
people to go forth from their territories with all their possessions, [saying]
that it would be very easy, since they excelled all in valor, to acquire the supremacy
of the whole of Gaul. To this he the more easily persuaded them, because the Helvetii,
are confined on every side by the nature of their situation; on one side by the
Rhine, a very broad and deep river, which separates the Helvetian territory from
the Germans; on a second side by the Jura, a very high mountain, which is [situated]
between the Sequani and the Helvetii; on a third by the Lake of Geneva, and by
the river Rhone, which separates our Province from the Helvetii. From these circumstances
it resulted, that they could range less widely, and could less easily make war
upon their neighbors; for which reason men fond of war [as they were] were affected
with great regret. They thought, that considering the extent of their population,
and their renown for warfare and bravery, they had but narrow limits, although
they extended in length 240, and in breadth 180 [Roman] miles.
“caes.gal.1.3”:[1.3] Induced by these considerations, and influenced by the
authority of Orgetorix, they determined to provide such things as were necessary
for their expedition-to buy up as great a number as possible of beasts of burden
and wagons-to make their sowings as large as possible, so that on their march
plenty of corn might be in store-and to establish peace and friendship with the
neighboring states. They reckoned that a term of two years would be sufficient
for them to execute their designs; they fix by decree their departure for the
third year. Orgetorix is chosen to complete these arrangements. He took upon himself
the office of embassador to the states: on this journey he persuades Casticus,
the son of Catamantaledes (one of the Sequani, whose father had possessed the
sovereignty among the people for many years, and had been styled “friend” by the
senate of the Roman people), to seize upon the sovereignty in his own state, which
his father had held before him, and he likewise persuades Dumnorix, an Aeduan,
the brother of Divitiacus, who at that time possessed the chief authority in the
state, and was exceedingly beloved by the people, to attempt the same, and gives
him his daughter in marriage. He proves to them that to accomplish their attempts
was a thing very easy to be done, because he himself would obtain the government
of his own state; that there was no doubt that the Helvetii were the most powerful
of the whole of Gaul; he assures them that he will, with his own forces and his
own army, acquire the sovereignty for them. Incited by this speech, they give
a pledge and oath to one another, and hope that, when they have seized the sovereignty,
they will, by means of the three most powerful and valiant nations, be enabled
to obtain possession of the whole of Gaul.
“caes.gal.1.4”:[1.4] When this scheme was disclosed to the Helvetii by informers,
they, according to their custom, compelled Orgetorix to plead his cause in chains;
it was the law that the penalty of being burned by fire should await him if condemned.
On the day appointed for the pleading of his cause, Orgetorix drew together from
all quarters to the court, all his vassals to the number of ten thousand persons;
and led together to the same place all his dependents and debtor-bondsmen, of
whom he had a great number; by means of those he rescued himself from [the necessity
of] pleading his cause. While the state, incensed at this act, was endeavoring
to assert its right by arms, and the magistrates were mustering a large body of
men from the country, Orgetorix died; and there is not wanting a suspicion, as
the Helvetii think, of his having committed suicide.
“caes.gal.1.5”:[1.5] After his death, the Helvetii nevertheless attempt to
do that which they had resolved on, namely, to go forth from their territories.
When they thought that they were at length prepared for this undertaking, they
set fire to all their towns, in number about twelve-to their villages about four
hundred-and to the private dwellings that remained; they burn up all the corn,
except what they intend to carry with them; that after destroying the hope of
a return home, they might be the more ready for undergoing all dangers. They order
every one to carry forth from home for himself provisions for three months, ready
ground. They persuade the Rauraci, and the Tulingi, and the Latobrigi, their neighbors,
to adopt the same plan, and after burning down their towns and villages, to set
out with them: and they admit to their party and unite to themselves as confederates
the Boii, who had dwelt on the other side of the Rhine, and had crossed over into
the Norican territory, and assaulted Noreia.
“caes.gal.1.6”:[1.6] There were in all two routes, by which they could go forth
from their country one through the Sequani narrow and difficult, between Mount
Jura and the river Rhone (by which scarcely one wagon at a time could be led;
there was, moreover, a very high mountain overhanging, so that a very few might
easily intercept them; the other, through our Province, much easier and freer
from obstacles, because the Rhone flows between the boundaries of the Helvetii
and those of the Allobroges, who had lately been subdued, and is in some places
crossed by a ford. The furthest town of the Allobroges, and the nearest to the
territories of the Helvetii, is Geneva. From this town a bridge extends to the
Helvetii. They thought that they should either persuade the Allobroges, because
they did not seem as yet well-affected toward the Roman people, or compel them
by force to allow them to pass through their territories. Having provided every
thing for the expedition, they appoint a day, on which they should all meet on
the bank of the Rhone. This day was the fifth before the kalends of April [i.e.
the 28th of March], in the consulship of Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius [B.C.
58.]
“caes.gal.1.7”:[1.7] When it was reported to Caesar that they were attempting
to make their route through our Province he hastens to set out from the city,
and, by as great marches as he can, proceeds to Further Gaul, and arrives at Geneva.
He orders the whole Province [to furnish] as great a number of soldiers as possible,
as there was in all only one legion in Further Gaul: he orders the bridge at Geneva
to be broken down. When the Helvetii are apprized of his arrival they send to
him, as embassadors, the most illustrious men of their state (in which embassy
Numeius and Verudoctius held the chief place), to say “that it was their intention
to march through the Province without doing any harm, because they had” [according
to their own representations,] “no other route: that they requested, they might
be allowed to do so with his consent.” Caesar, inasmuch as he kept in remembrance
that Lucius Cassius, the consul, had been slain, and his army routed and made
to pass under the yoke by the Helvetii, did not think that [their request] ought
to be granted: nor was he of opinion that men of hostile disposition, if an opportunity
of marching through the Province were given them, would abstain from outrage and
mischief. Yet, in order that a period might intervene, until the soldiers whom
he had ordered [to be furnished] should assemble, he replied to the ambassadors,
that he would take time to deliberate; if they wanted any thing, they might return
on the day before the ides of April [on April 12th].
“caes.gal.1.8”:[1.8] Meanwhile, with the legion which he had with him and the
soldiers which had assembled from the Province, he carries along for nineteen
[Roman, not quite eighteen English] miles a wall, to the height of sixteen feet,
and a trench, from the Lake of Geneva, which flows into the river Rhone, to Mount
Jura, which separates the territories of the Sequani from those of the Helvetii.
When that work was finished, he distributes garrisons, and closely fortifies redoubts,
in order that he may the more easily intercept them, if they should attempt to
cross over against his will. When the day which he had appointed with the embassadors
came, and they returned to him; he says, that he can not, consistently with the
custom and precedent of the Roman people, grant any one a passage through the
Province; and he gives them to understand, that, if they should attempt to use
violence he would oppose them. The Helvetii, disappointed in this hope, tried
if they could force a passage (some by means of a bridge of boats and numerous
rafts constructed for the purpose; others, by the fords of the Rhone, where the
depth of the river was least, sometimes by day, but more frequently by night),
but being kept at bay by the strength of our works, and by the concourse of the
soldiers, and by the missiles, they desisted from this attempt.
“caes.gal.1.9”:[1.9] There was left one way, [namely] through the Sequani,
by which, on account of its narrowness, they could not pass without the consent
of the Sequani. As they could not of themselves prevail on them, they send embassadors
to Dumnorix the Aeduan, that through his intercession, they might obtain their
request from the Sequani. Dumnorix, by his popularity and liberality, had great
influence among the Sequani, and was friendly to the Helvetii, because out of
that state he had married the daughter of Orgetorix; and, incited by lust of sovereignty,
was anxious for a revolution, and wished to have as many states as possible attached
to him by his kindness toward them. He, therefore, undertakes the affair, and
prevails upon the Sequani to allow the Helvetii to march through their territories,
and arranges that they should give hostages to each other-the Sequani not to obstruct
the Helvetii in their march-the Helvetii, to pass without mischief and outrage.
“caes.gal.1.10”:[1.10] It is again told Caesar, that the Helvetii intended
to march through the country of the Sequani and the Aedui into the territories
of the Santones, which are not far distant from those boundaries of the Tolosates,
which [viz. Tolosa, Toulouse] is a state in the Province. If this took place,
he saw that it would be attended with great danger to the Province to have warlike
men, enemies of the Roman people, bordering upon an open and very fertile tract
of country. For these reasons he appointed Titus Labienus, his lieutenant, to
the command of the fortification which he had made. He himself proceeds to Italy
by forced marches, and there levies two legions, and leads out from winter-quarters
three which were wintering around Aquileia, and with these five legions marches
rapidly by the nearest route across the Alps into Further Gaul. Here the Centrones
and the Graioceli and the Caturiges, having taken possession of the higher parts,
attempt to obstruct the army in their march. After having routed these in several
battles, he arrives in the territories of the Vocontii in the Further Province
on the seventh day from Ocelum, which is the most remote town of the Hither Province;
thence he leads his army into the country of the Allobroges, and from the Allobroges
to the Segusiani. These people are the first beyond the Province on the opposite
side of the Rhone.
“caes.gal.1.11”:[1.11] The Helvetii had by this time led their forces over
through the narrow defile and the territories of the Sequani, and had arrived
at the territories of the Aedui, and were ravaging their lands. The Aedui, as
they could not defend themselves and their possessions against them, send embassadors
to Caesar to ask assistance, [pleading] that they had at all times so well deserved
of the Roman people, that their fields ought not to have been laid waste-their
children carried off into slavery-their towns stormed, almost within sight of
our army. At the same time the Ambarri, the friends and kinsmen of the Aedui,
apprize Caesar, that it was not easy for them, now that their fields had been
devastated, to ward off the violence of the enemy from their towns: the Allobroges
likewise, who had villages and possessions on the other side of the Rhone, betake
themselves in flight to Caesar, and assure him that they had nothing remaining,
except the soil of their land. Caesar, induced by these circumstances, decides,
that he ought not to wait until the Helvetii, after destroying all the property
of his allies, should arrive among the Santones.
“caes.gal.1.12”:[1.12] There is a river [called] the Saone, which flows through
the territories of the Aedui and Sequani into the Rhone with such incredible slowness,
that it can not be determined by the eye in which direction it flows. This the
Helvetii were crossing by rafts and boats joined together. When Caesar was informed
by spies that the Helvetii had already conveyed three parts of their forces across
that river, but that the fourth part was left behind on this side of the Saone,
he set out from the camp with three legions during the third watch, and came up
with that division which had not yet crossed the river. Attacking them encumbered
with baggage, and not expecting him, he cut to pieces a great part of them; the
rest betook themselves to flight, and concealed themselves in the nearest woods.
That canton [which was cut down] was called the Tigurine; for the whole Helvetian
state is divided into four cantons. This single canton having left their country,
within the recollection of our fathers, had slain Lucius Cassius the consul, and
had made his army pass under the yoke. Thus, whether by chance, or by the design
of the immortal gods, that part of the Helvetian state which had brought a signal
calamity upon the Roman people, was the first to pay the penalty. In this Caesar
avenged not only the public but also his own personal wrongs, because the Tigurini
had slain Lucius Piso the lieutenant [of Cassius], the grandfather of Lucius Calpurnius
Piso, his [Caesar’s] father-in-law, in the same battle as Cassius himself.
“caes.gal.1.13”:[1.13] This battle ended, that he might be able to come up
with the remaining forces of the Helvetii, he procures a bridge to be made across
the Saone, and thus leads his army over. The Helvetii, confused by his sudden
arrival, when they found that he had effected in one day, what they, themselves
had with the utmost difficulty accomplished in twenty namely, the crossing of
the river, send embassadors to him; at the head of which embassy was Divico, who
had been commander of the Helvetii, in the war against Cassius. He thus treats
with Caesar:-that, “if the Roman people would make peace with the Helvetii they
would go to that part and there remain, where Caesar might appoint and desire
them to be; but if he should persist in persecuting them with war that he ought
to remember both the ancient disgrace of the Roman people and the characteristic
valor of the Helvetii. As to his having attacked one canton by surprise, [at a
time] when those who had crossed the river could not bring assistance to their
friends, that he ought not on that account to ascribe very much to his own valor,
or despise them; that they had so learned from their sires and ancestors, as to
rely more on valor than on artifice and stratagem. Wherefore let him not bring
it to pass that the place, where they were standing, should acquire a name, from
the disaster of the Roman people and the destruction of their army or transmit
the remembrance [of such an event to posterity].”
“caes.gal.1.14”:[1.14] To these words Caesar thus replied:-that “on that very
account he felt less hesitation, because he kept in remembrance those circumstances
which the Helvetian embassadors had mentioned, and that he felt the more indignant
at them, in proportion as they had happened undeservedly to the Roman people:
for if they had been conscious of having done any wrong, it would not have been
difficult to be on their guard, but for that very reason had they been deceived,
because neither were they aware that any offense had been given by them, on account
of which they should be afraid, nor did they think that they ought to be afraid
without cause. But even if he were willing to forget their former outrage, could
he also lay aside the remembrance of the late wrongs, in that they had against
his will attempted a route through the Province by force, in that they had molested
the Aedui, the Ambarri, and the Allobroges? That as to their so insolently boasting
of their victory, and as to their being astonished that they had so long committed
their outrages with impunity, [both these things] tended to the same point; for
the immortal gods are wont to allow those persons whom they wish to punish for
their guilt sometimes a greater prosperity and longer impunity, in order that
they may suffer the more severely from a reverse of circumstances. Although these
things are so, yet, if hostages were to be given him by them in order that he
may be assured these will do what they promise, and provided they will give satisfaction
to the Aedui for the outrages which they had committed against them and their
allies, and likewise to the Allobroges, he [Caesar] will make peace with them.”
Divico replied, that “the Helvetii had been so trained by their ancestors, that
they were accustomed to receive, not to give hostages; of that fact the Roman
people were witness.” Having given this reply, he withdrew.
“caes.gal.1.15”:[1.15] On the following day they move their camp from that
place; Caesar does the same, and sends forward all his cavalry, to the number
of four thousand (which he had drawn together from all parts of the Province and
from the Aedui and their allies), to observe toward what parts the enemy are directing
their march. These, having too eagerly pursued the enemy’s rear, come to a battle
with the cavalry of the Helvetii in a disadvantageous place, and a few of our
men fall. The Helvetii, elated with this battle, because they had with five hundred
horse repulsed so large a body of horse, began to face us more boldly, sometimes
too from their rear to provoke our men by an attack. Caesar [however] restrained
his men from battle, deeming it sufficient for the present to prevent the enemy
from rapine, forage, and depredation. They marched for about fifteen days in such
a manner that there was not more than five or six miles between the enemy’s rear
and our van.
“caes.gal.1.16″:[1.16] Meanwhile, Caesar kept daily importuning the Aedui for
the corn which they had promised in the name of their state; for, in consequence
of the coldness (Gaul, being as before said, situated toward the north), not only
was the corn in the fields not ripe, but there was not in store a sufficiently
large quantity even of fodder: besides he was unable to use the corn which he
had conveyed in ships up the river Saone, because the Helvetii, from whom he was
unwilling to retire had diverted their march from the Saone. The Aedui kept deferring
from day to day, and saying that it was being collected-brought in-on the road.”
When he saw that he was put off too long, and that the day was close at hand on
which he ought to serve out the corn to his soldiers;-having called together their
chiefs, of whom he had a great number in his camp, among them Divitiacus and Liscus
who was invested with the chief magistracy (whom the Aedui style the Vergobretus,
and who is elected annually and has power of life or death over his countrymen),
he severely reprimands them, because he is not assisted by them on so urgent an
occasion, when the enemy were so close at hand, and when [corn] could neither
be bought nor taken from the fields, particularly as, in a great measure urged
by their prayers, he had undertaken the war; much more bitterly, therefore does
he complain of his being forsaken.
“caes.gal.1.17″:[1.17] Then at length Liscus, moved by Caesar’s speech, discloses
what he had hitherto kept secret:-that there are some whose influences with the
people is very great, who, though private men, have more power than the magistrates
themselves: that these by seditions and violent language are deterring the populace
from contributing the corn which they ought to supply; [by telling them] that,
if they can not any longer retain the supremacy of Gaul, it were better to submit
to the government of Gauls than of Romans, nor ought they to doubt that, if the
Romans should overpower the Helvetii, they would wrest their freedom from the
Aedui together with the remainder of Gaul. By these very men, [said he], are our
plans and whatever is done in the camp, disclosed to the enemy; that they could
not be restrained by him: nay more, he was well aware, that though compelled by
necessity, he had disclosed the matter to Caesar, at how great a risk he had done
it; and for that reason, he had been silent as long as he could.”
“caes.gal.1.18”:[1.18] Caesar perceived that by this speech of Liscus, Dumnorix,
the brother of Divitiacus, was indicated; but, as he was unwilling that these
matters should be discussed while so many were present, he speedily dismisses:
the council, but detains Liscus: he inquires from him when alone, about those
things which he had said in the meeting. He [Liscus] speaks more unreservedly
and boldly. He [Caesar] makes inquiries on the same points privately of others,
and discovered that it is all true; that “Dumnorix is the person, a man of the
highest daring, in great favor with the people on account of his liberality, a
man eager for a revolution: that for a great many years he has been in the habit
of contracting for the customs and all the other taxes of the Aedui at a small
cost, because when he bids, no one dares to bid against him. By these means he
has both increased his own private property, and amassed great means for giving
largesses; that he maintains constantly at his own expense and keeps about his
own person a great number of cavalry, and that not only at home, but even among
the neighboring states, he has great influence, and for the sake of strengthening
this influence has given his mother in marriage among the Bituriges to a man the
most noble and most influential there; that he has himself taken a wife from among
the Helvetii, and has given his sister by the mother’s side and his female relations
in marriage into other states; that he favors and wishes well to the Helvetii
on account of this connection; and that he hates Caesar and the Romans, on his
own account, because by their arrival his power was weakened, and his brother,
Divitiacus, restored to his former position of influence and dignity: that, if
any thing should happen to the Romans, he entertains the highest hope of gaining
the sovereignty by means of the Helvetii, but that under the government of the
Roman people he despairs not only of royalty, but even of that influence which
he already has.” Caesar discovered too, on inquiring into the unsuccessful cavalry
engagement which had taken place a few days before, that the commencement of that
flight had been made by Dumnorix and his cavalry (for Dumnorix was in command
of the cavalry which the Aedui had sent for aid to Caesar); that by their flight
the rest of the cavalry were dismayed.
“caes.gal.1.19”:[1.19] After learning these circumstances, since to these suspicions
the most unequivocal facts were added, viz., that he had led the Helvetii through
the territories of the Sequani; that he had provided that hostages should be mutually
given; that he had done all these things, not only without any orders of his [Caesar’s]
and of his own state’s, but even without their [the Aedui] knowing any thing of
it themselves; that he [Dumnorix] was reprimanded: by the [chief] magistrate of
the Aedui; he [Caesar] considered that there was sufficient reason, why he should
either punish him himself, or order the state to do so. One thing [however] stood
in the way of all this-that he had learned by experience his brother Divitiacus’s
very high regard for the Roman people, his great affection toward him, his distinguished
faithfulness, justice, and moderation; for he was afraid lest by the punishment
of this man, he should hurt the feelings of Divitiacus. Therefore, before he attempted
any thing, he orders Divitiacus to be summoned to him, and, when the ordinary
interpreters had been withdrawn, converses with him through Caius Valerius Procillus,
chief of the province of Gaul, an intimate friend of his, in whom he reposed the
highest confidence in every thing; at the same time he reminds him of what was
said about Dumnorix in the council of the Gauls, when he himself was present,
and shows what each had said of him privately in his [Caesar’s] own presence;
he begs and exhorts him, that, without offense to his feelings, he may either
himself pass judgment on him [Dumnorix] after trying the case, or else order the
[Aeduan] state to do so.
“caes.gal.1.20”:[1.20] Divitiacus, embracing Caesar, begins to implore him,
with many tears, that “he would not pass any very severe sentence upon his brother;
saying, that he knows that those charges are true, and that nobody suffered more
pain on that account than he himself did; for when he himself could effect a very
great deal by his influence at home and in the rest of Gaul, and he [Dumnorix]
very little on account of his youth, the latter had become powerful through his
means, which power and strength he used not only to the lessening of his [Divitiacus]
popularity, but almost to his ruin; that he, however, was influenced both by fraternal
affection and by public opinion. But if any thing very severe from Caesar should
befall him [Dumnorix], no one would think that it had been done without his consent,
since he himself held such a place in Caesar’s friendship: from which circumstance
it would arise, that the affections of the whole of Gaul would be estranged from
him.” As he was with tears begging these things of Caesar in many words, Caesar
takes his right hand, and, comforting him, begs him to make an end of entreating,
and assures him that his regard for him is so great, that he forgives both the
injuries of the republic and his private wrongs, at his desire and prayers. He
summons Dumnorix to him; he brings in his brother; he points out what he censures
in him; he lays before him what he of himself perceives, and what the state complains
of; he warns him for the future to avoid all grounds of suspicion; he says that
he pardons the past, for the sake of his brother, Divitiacus. He sets spies over
Dumnorix that he may be able to know what he does, and with whom he communicates.
“caes.gal.1.21”:[1.21] Being on the same day informed by his scouts, that the
enemy had encamped at the foot of a mountain eight miles from his own camp; he
sent persons to ascertain what the nature of the mountain was, and of what kind
the ascent on every side. Word was brought back, that it was easy. During the
third watch he orders Titus Labienus, his lieutenant with praetorian powers, to
ascend to the highest ridge of the mountain with two legions, and with those as
guides who had examined the road; he explains what his plan is. He himself during
the fourth watch, hastens to them by the same route by which the enemy had gone,
and sends on all the cavalry before him. Publius Considius, who was reputed to
be very experienced in military affairs, and had been in the army of Lucius Sulla,
and afterward in that of Marcus Crassus, is sent forward with the scouts.
“caes.gal.1.22”:[1.22] At day-break, when the summit of the mountain was in
the possession of Titus Labienus, and he himself was not further off than a mile
and half from the enemy’s camp, nor, as he afterward ascertained from the captives,
had either his arrival or that of Labienus been discovered; Considius, with his
horse at full gallop, comes up to him says that the mountain which he [Caesar]
wished should be seized by Labienus, is in possession of the enemy; that he has
discovered this by the Gallic arms and ensigns. Caesar leads off his forces to
the next hill: [and] draws them up in battle-order. Labienus, as he had been ordered
by Caesar not to come to an engagement unless [Caesar’s] own forces were seen
near the enemy’s camp, that the attack upon the enemy might be made on every side
at the same time, was, after having taken possession of the mountain, waiting
for our men, and refraining from battle. When, at length, the day was far advanced,
Caesar learned through spies, that the mountain was in possession of his own men,
and that the Helvetii had moved their camp, and that Considius, struck with fear,
had reported to him, as seen, that which he had not seen. On that day he follows
the enemy at his usual distance, and pitches his camp three miles from theirs.
“caes.gal.1.23”:[1.23] The next day (as there remained in all only two day’s
space [to the time] when he must serve out the corn to his army, and as he was
not more than eighteen miles from Bibracte, by far the largest and best-stored
town of the Aedui), he thought that he ought to provide for a supply of corn;
and diverted his march from the Helvetii, and advanced rapidly to Bibracte. This
circumstance is reported to the enemy by some deserters from Lucius Aemilius,
a captain, of the Gallic horse. The Helvetii, either because they thought that
the Romans, struck with terror, were retreating from them, the more so, as the
day before, though they had seized on the higher grounds, they had not joined
battle or because they flattered themselves that they might be cut of from the
provisions, altering their plan and changing their route, began to pursue, and
to annoy our men in the rear.
“caes.gal.1.24”:[1.24] Caesar, when he observes this, draws off his forces
to the next hill, and sent the cavalry to sustain the attack of the enemy. He
himself, meanwhile, drew up on the middle of the hill a triple line of his four
veteran legions in such a manner, that he placed above him on the very summit
the two legions, which he had lately levied in Hither Gaul, and all the auxiliaries;
and he ordered that the whole mountain should be covered with men, and that meanwhile
the baggage should be brought together into one place, and the position be protected
by those who were posted in the upper line. The Helvetii having followed with
all their wagons, collected their baggage into one place: they themselves, after
having repulsed our cavalry and formed a phalanx, advanced up to our front line
in very close order.
“caes.gal.1.25”:[1.25] Caesar, having removed out of sight first his own horse,
then those of all, that he might make the danger of a11 equal, and do away with
the hope of flight, after encouraging his men, joined battle. His soldiers hurling
their javelins from the higher ground, easily broke the enemy’s phalanx. That
being dispersed, they made a charge on them with drawn swords. It was a great
hinderance to the Gauls in fighting, that, when several of their bucklers had
been by one stroke of the (Roman) javelins pierced through and pinned fast together,
as the point of the iron had bent itself, they could neither pluck it out, nor,
with their left hand entangled, fight with sufficient ease; so that many, after
having long tossed their arm about, chose rather to cast away the buckler from
their hand, and to fight with their person unprotected. At length, worn out with
wounds, they began to give way, and, as there was in the neighborhood a mountain
about a mile off, to betake themselves thither. When the mountain had been gained,
and our men were advancing up, the Boii and Tulingi, who with about 15,000 men
closed the enemy’s line of march and served as a guard to their rear, having assailed
our men on the exposed flank as they advanced [prepared] to surround them; upon
seeing which, the Helvetii who had betaken themselves to the mountain, began to
press on again and renew the battle. The Romans having faced about, advanced to
the attack in two divisions; the first and second line, to withstand those who
had been defeated and driven off the field; the third to receive those who were
just arriving.
“caes.gal.1.26”:[1.26] Thus, was the contest long and vigorously carried on
with doubtful success. When they could no longer withstand the attacks of our
men, the one division, as they had begun to do, betook themselves to the mountain;
the other repaired to their baggage and wagons. For during the whole of this battle,
although the fight lasted from the seventh hour [i.e. 12 (noon) 1 PM.] to eventide,
no one could see an enemy with his back turned. The fight was carried on also
at the baggage till late in the night, for they had set wagons in the way as a
rampart, and from the higher ground kept throwing weapons upon our men, as they
came on, and some from between the wagons and the wheels kept darting their lances
and javelins from beneath, and wounding our men. After the fight had lasted some
time, our men gained possession of their baggage and camp. There the daughter
and one of the sons of Orgetorix was taken. After the battle about 130,000 men
[of the enemy] remained alive, who marched incessantly during the whole of that
night; and after a march discontinued for no part of the night, arrived in the
territories of the Lingones on the fourth day, while our men, having stopped for
three days, both on account of the wounds of the soldiers and the burial of the
slain, had not been able to follow them. Caesar sent letters and messengers to
the Lingones [with orders] that they should not assist them with corn or with
any thing else; for that if they should assist them, he would regard them in the
same light as the Helvetii. After the three days’ interval he began to follow
them himself with all his forces.
“caes.gal.1.27”:[1.27] The Helvetii, compelled by the want of every thing,
sent embassadors to him about a surrender. When these had met him on the way and
had thrown themselves at his feet, and speaking in suppliant tone had with tears
sued for peace, and [when] he had ordered them to await his arrival, in the place,
where they then were, they obeyed his commands. When Caesar arrived at that place,
he demanded hostages, their arms, and the slaves who had deserted to them. While
those things are being sought for and got together, after a night’s interval,
about 6000 men of that canton which is called the Verbigene, whether terrified
by fear, lest after delivering up their arms, they should suffer punishment, or
else induced by the hope of safety, because they supposed that, amid so vast a
multitude of those who had surrendered themselves, their flight might either be
concealed or entirely overlooked, having at night-fall departed out of the camp
of the Helvetii, hastened to the Rhine and the territories of the Germans.
“caes.gal.1.28”:[1.28] But when Caesar discovered this, he commanded those
through whose territory they had gone, to seek them out and to bring them back
again, if they meant to be acquitted before him; and considered them, when brought
back, in the light of enemies; he admitted all the rest to a surrender, upon their
delivering up the hostages, arms, and deserters. He ordered the Helvetii, the
Tulingi, and the Latobrigi, to return to their territories from which they had
come, and as there was at home nothing whereby they might support their hunger,
all the productions of the earth having been destroyed, he commanded the Allobroges
to let them have a plentiful supply of corn; and ordered them to rebuild the towns
and villages which they had burned. This he did, chiefly, on this account, because
he was unwilling that the country, from which the Helvetii had departed, should
be untenanted, lest the Germans, who dwell on the other side of the Rhine, should,
on account of the excellence of the lands, cross over from their own territories
into those of the Helvetii, and become borderers upon the province of Gaul and
the Allobroges. He granted the petition of the Aedui, that they might settle the
Boii, in their own (i. e. in the Aeduan) territories, as these were known to be
of distinguished valor, to whom they gave lands, and whom they afterward admitted
to the same state of rights and freedom as themselves.
“caes.gal.1.29”:[1.29] In the camp of the Helvetii, lists were found, drawn
up in Greek characters, and were brought to Caesar, in which an estimate had been
drawn up, name by name, of the number which had gone forth from their country
of those who were able to bear arms; and likewise the boys, the old men, and the
women, separately. Of all which items the total was:
Of the Helvetii [lit. of the heads of the Helvetii] 263,000
Of the Tulingi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36,000
Of the Latobrigi .-. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,000
Of the Rauraci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23,000
Of the Boii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .32,000
The sum of all amounted to . . . . . . . . . . . .368,000
Out of these, such as could bear arms, [amounted] to about 92,000. When the
census of those who returned home was taken, as Caesar had commanded, the number
was found to be 110,000.
“caes.gal.1.30”:[1.30] When the war with the Helvetii was concluded, embassadors
from almost all parts of Gaul, the chiefs of states, assembled to congratulate
Caesar, [saying] that they were well aware, that, although he had taken vengeance
on the Helvetii in war, for the old wrong done by them to the Roman people, yet
that circumstance had happened no less to the benefit of the land of Gaul than
of the Roman people, because the Helvetii, while their affairs were most flourishing,
had quitted their country with the design of making war upon the whole of Gaul,
and seizing the government of it, and selecting, out of a great abundance, that
spot for an abode, which they should judge to be the most convenient and most
productive of all Gaul, and hold the rest of the states as tributaries. They requested
that they might be allowed to proclaim an assembly of the whole of Gaul for a
particular day, and to do that with Caesar’s permission, [stating] that they had
some things which, with the general consent, they wished to ask of him. This request
having been granted, they appointed a day for the assembly, and ordained by an
oath with each other, that no one should disclose [their deliberations] except
those to whom this [office] should be assigned by the general assembly.
“caes.gal.1.31”:[1.31] When that assembly was dismissed, the same chiefs of
states, who had before been to Caesar, returned, and asked that they might be
allowed to treat with him privately (in secret) concerning the safety of themselves
and of all. That request having been obtained, they all threw themselves in tears
at Caesar’s feet, [saying] that they no less begged and earnestly desired that
what they might say should not be disclosed, than that they might obtain those
things which they wished for; inasmuch as they saw, that, if a disclosure was
made, they should be put to the greatest tortures. For these Divitiacus the Aeduan
spoke and told him: “That there were two parties in the whole of Gaul: that the
Aedui stood at the head of one of these, the Arverni of the other. After these
had been violently struggling with one another for the superiority for many years,
it came to pass that the Germans were called in for hire by the Arverni and the
Sequani. That about 15,000 of them [i.e. of the Germans] had at first crossed
the Rhine: but after that these wild and savage men had become enamored of the
lands and the refinement and the abundance of the Gauls, more were brought over,
that there were now as many as 120,000 of them in Gaul: that with these the Aedui
and their dependents had repeatedly struggled in arms-that they had been routed,
and had sustained a great calamity-had lost all their nobility, all their senate,
all their cavalry. And that broken by such engagements and calamities, although
they had formerly been very powerful in Gaul, both from their own valor and from
the Roman people’s hospitality and friendship, they were now compelled to give
the chief nobles of their state, as hostages to the Sequani, and to bind their
state by an oath, that they would neither demand hostages in return, nor supplicate
aid from the Roman people, nor refuse to be forever under their sway and empire.
That he was the only one out of all the state of the Aedui, who could not be prevailed
upon to take the oath or to give his children as hostages. On that account he
had fled from his state and had gone to the senate at Rome to beseech aid, as
he alone was bound neither by oath nor hostages. But a worse thing had befallen
the victorious Sequani than the vanquished Aedui, for Ariovistus the king of the
Germans, had settled in their territories, and had seized upon a third of their
land, which was the best in the whole of Gaul, and was now ordering them to depart
from another third part, because a few months previously 24,000 men of the Harudes
had come to him, for whom room and settlements must be provided. The consequence
would be, that in a few years they would all be driven from the territories of
Gaul, and all the Germans would cross the Rhine; for neither must the land of
Gaul be compared with the land of the Germans, nor must the habit of living of
the latter be put on a level with that of the former. Moreover, [as for] Ariovistus,
no sooner did he defeat the forces of the Gauls in a battle which took place at
Magetobria, than [he began] to lord it haughtily and cruelly, to demand as hostages
the children of all the principal nobles, and wreak on them every kind of cruelty,
if every thing was not done at his nod or pleasure; that he was a savage, passionate,
and reckless man, and that his commands could no longer be borne. Unless there
was some aid in Caesar and the Roman people, the Gauls must all do the same thing
that the Helvetii have done, [viz.] emigrate from their country, and seek another
dwelling place, other settlements remote from the Germans, and try whatever fortune
may fall to their lot. If these things were to be disclosed to Ariovistus, [Divitiacus
adds] that he doubts not that he would inflict the most severe punishment on all
the hostages who are in his possession, [and says] that Caesar could, either by
his own influence and by that of his army, or by his late victory, or by name
of the Roman people, intimidate him, so as to prevent a greater number of Germans
being brought over the Rhine, and could protect all Gaul from the outrages of
Ariovistus.
“caes.gal.1.32”:[1.32] When this speech had been delivered by Divitiacus, all
who were present began with loud lamentation to entreat assistance of Caesar.
Caesar noticed that the Sequani were the only people of all who did none of those
things which the others did, but, with their heads bowed down, gazed on the earth
in sadness. Wondering what was the reason of this conduct, he inquired of themselves.
No reply did the Sequani make, but silently continued in the same sadness. When
he had repeatedly inquired of them and could not elicit any answer at all, the
same Divitiacus the Aeduan answered, that-“the lot of the Sequani was more wretched
and grievous than that of the rest, on this account, because they alone durst
not even in secret complain or supplicate aid; and shuddered at the cruelty of
Ariovistus [even when] absent, just as if he were present; for, to the rest, despite
of every thing there was an opportunity of flight given; but all tortures must
be endured by the Sequani, who had admitted Ariovistus within their territories,
and whose towns were all in his power.”
“caes.gal.1.33”:[1.33] Caesar, on being informed of these things, cheered the
minds of the Gauls with his words, and promised that this affair should be an
object of his concern, [saying] that he had great hopes that Ariovistus, induced
both by his kindness and his power, would put an end to his oppression. After
delivering this speech, he dismissed the assembly; and, besides those statements,
many circumstances induced him to think that this affair ought to be considered
and taken up by him; especially as he saw that the Aedui, styled [as they had
been] repeatedly by the senate “brethren” and “kinsmen,” were held in the thraldom
and dominion of the Germans, and understood that their hostages were with Ariovistus
and the Sequani, which in so mighty an empire [as that] of the Roman people he
considered very disgraceful to himself and the republic. That, moreover, the Germans
should by degrees become accustomed to cross the Rhine, and that a great body
of them should come into Gaul, he saw [would be] dangerous to the Roman people,
and judged, that wild and savage men would not be likely to restrain themselves,
after they had possessed themselves of all Gaul, from going forth into the province
and thence marching into Italy (as the Cimbri and Teutones had done before them),
particularly as the Rhone [was the sole barrier that] separated the Sequani from
our province. Against which events he thought he ought to provide as speedily
as possible. Moreover, Ariovistus, for his part, had assumed to himself such pride
and arrogance, that he was felt to be quite insufferable.
“caes.gal.1.34”:[1.34] He therefore determined to send embassadors to Ariovistus
to demand of him to name some intermediate spot for a conference between the two,
[saying] that he wished to treat him on state-business and matters of the highest
importance to both of them. To this embassy Ariovistus replied, that if he himself
had had need of any thing from Caesar, he would have gone to him; and that if
Caesar wanted any thing from him he ought to come to him. That, besides, neither
dare he go without an army into those parts of Gaul which Caesar had possession
of, nor could he, without great expense and trouble, draw his army together to
one place; that to him, moreover, it appeared strange, what business either Caesar
or the Roman people at all had in his own Gaul, which he had conquered in war.
“caes.gal.1.35”:[1.35] When these answers were reported to Caesar, he sends
embassadors to him a second time with this message. “Since, after having been
treated with so much kindness by himself and the Roman people (as he had in his
consulship been styled ‘king and friend’ by the senate), he makes this recompense
to [Caesar] himself and the Roman people, [viz.] that when invited to a conference
he demurs, and does not think that it concerns him to advise and inform himself
about an object of mutual interest, these are the things which he requires of
him; first, that he do not any more bring over any body of men across the Rhine
into Gaul; in the next place, that he restore the hostages, which he has from
the Aedui, and grant the Sequani permission to restore to them with his consent
those hostages which they have, and that he neither provoke the Aedui by outrage
nor make war upon them or their allies; if he would accordingly do this,” [Caesar
says] that “he himself and the Roman people will entertain a perpetual feeling
of favor and friendship toward him; but that if he [Caesar] does not obtain [his
desires] that he (forasmuch as in the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus
Piso the senate had decreed that, whoever should have the administration of the
province of Gaul should, as far as he could do so consistently with the interests
of the republic, protect the Aedui and the other friends of the Roman people),
will not overlook the wrongs of the Aedui.”
“caes.gal.1.36”:[1.36] To this Ariovistus replied, that “the right of war was,
that they who had conquered should govern those whom they had conquered, in what
manner they pleased; that in that way the Roman people were wont to govern the
nations which they had conquered, not according to the dictation of any other,
but according to their own discretion. If he for his part did not dictate to the
Roman people as to the manner in which they were to exercise their right, he ought
not to be obstructed by the Roman people in his right; that the Aedui, inasmuch
as they had tried the fortune of war and had engaged in arms and been conquered,
had become tributaries to him; that Caesar was doing a great injustice, in that
by his arrival he was making his revenues less valuable to him; that he should
not restore their hostages to the Aedui, but should not make war wrongfully either
upon them or their allies, if they abided by that which had been agreed on, and
paid their tribute annually: if they did not continue to do that, the Roman people’s
name of ‘brothers’ would avail them naught. As to Caesar’s threatening him, that
he would not overlook the wrongs of the Aedui, [he said] that no one had ever
entered into a contest with him [Ariovistus] without utter ruin to himself. That
Caesar might enter the lists when he chose; he would feel what the invincible
Germans, well-trained [as they were] beyond all others to arms, who for fourteen
years had not been beneath a roof, could achieve by their valor.”
“caes.gal.1.37”:[1.37] At the same time that this message was delivered to
Caesar, embassadors came from the Aedui and the Treviri; from the Aedui to complain
that the Harudes, who had lately been brought over into Gaul, were ravaging their
territories; that they had not been able to purchase peace from Ariovistus, even
by giving hostages: and from the Treviri, [to state] that a hundred cantons of
the Suevi had encamped on the banks of the Rhine, and were attempting to cross
it; that the brothers, Nasuas and Cimberius, headed them. Being greatly alarmed
at these things, Caesar thought that he ought to use all dispatch, lest, if this
new band of Suevi should unite with the old troops of Ariovistus, he [Ariovistus]
might be less easily withstood. Having therefore, as quickly as he could, provided
a supply of corn, he hastened to Ariovistus by forced marches.
“caes.gal.1.38”:[1.38] When he had proceeded three days’ journey, word was
brought to him that Ariovistus was hastening with all his forces to seize on Vesontio,
which is the largest town of the Sequani, and had advanced three days’ journey
from its territories. Caesar thought that he ought to take the greatest precautions
lest this should happen, for there was in that town a most ample supply of every
thing which was serviceable for war; and so fortified was it by the nature of
the ground, as to afford a great facility for protracting the war, inasmuch as
the river Doubs almost surrounds the whole town, as though it were traced round
it with a pair of compasses. A mountain of great height shuts in the remaining
space, which is not more than 600 feet, where the river leaves a gap, in such
a manner that the roots of that mountain extend to the river’s bank on either
side. A wall thrown around it makes a citadel of this [mountain], and connects
it with the town. Hither Caesar hastens by forced marches by night and day, and,
after having seized the town, stations a garrison there.
“caes.gal.1.39”:[1.39] While he is tarrying a few days at Vesontio, on account
of corn and provisions; from the inquiries of our men and the reports of the Gauls
and traders (who asserted that the Germans were men of huge stature, of incredible
valor and practice in arms-that oftentimes they, on encountering them, could not
bear even their countenance, and the fierceness of their eyes)-so great a panic
on a sudden seized the whole army, as to discompose the minds and spirits of all
in no slight degree. This first arose from the tribunes of the soldiers, the prefects
and the rest, who, having followed Caesar from the city [Rome] from motives of
friendship, had no great experience in military affairs. And alleging, some of
them one reason, some another, which they said made it necessary for them to depart,
they requested that by his consent they might be allowed to withdraw; some, influenced
by shame, stayed behind in order that they might avoid the suspicion of cowardice.
These could neither compose their countenance, nor even sometimes check their
tears: but hidden in their tents, either bewailed their fate, or deplored with
their comrades the general danger. Wills were sealed universally throughout the
whole camp. By the expressions and cowardice of these men, even those who possessed
great experience in the camp, both soldiers and centurions, and those [the decurions]
who were in command of the cavalry, were gradually disconcerted. Such of them
as wished to be considered less alarmed, said that they did not dread the enemy,
but feared the narrowness of the roads and the vastness of the forests which lay
between them and Ariovistus, or else that the supplies could not be brought up
readily enough. Some even declared to Caesar, that when he gave orders for the
camp to be moved and the troops to advance, the soldiers would not be obedient
to the command, nor advance in consequence of their fear.
“caes.gal.1.40”:[1.40] When Caesar observed these things, having called a council,
and summoned to it the centurions of all the companies, he severely reprimanded
them, “particularly, for supposing that it belonged to them to inquire or conjecture,
either in what direction they were marching, or with what object. That Ariovistus,
during his [Caesar’s] consulship, had most anxiously sought after the friendship
of the Roman people; why should any one judge that he would so rashly depart from
his duty? He for his part was persuaded, that, when his demands were known and
the fairness of the terms considered, he would reject neither his nor the Roman
people’s favor. But even if, driven on by rage and madness, he should make war
upon them, what after all were they afraid of?-or why should they despair either
of their own valor or of his zeal? Of that enemy a trial had been made within
our fathers’ recollection, when, on the defeat of the Cimbri and Teutones by Caius
Marius, the army was regarded as having deserved no less praise than their commander
himself. It had been made lately, too, in Italy, during the rebellion of the slaves,
whom, however, the experience and training which they had received from us, assisted
in some respect. From which a judgment might be formed of the advantages which
resolution carries with it inasmuch as those whom for some time they had groundlessly
dreaded when unarmed, they had afterward vanquished, when well armed and flushed
with success. In short, that these were the same men whom the Helvetii, in frequent
encounters, not only in their own territories, but also in theirs [the German],
have generally vanquished, and yet can not have been a match for our army. If
the unsuccessful battle and flight of the Gauls disquieted any, these, if they
made inquiries, might discover that, when the Gauls had been tired out by the
long duration of the war, Ariovistus, after he had many months kept himself in
his camp and in the marshes, and had given no opportunity for an engagement, fell
suddenly upon them, by this time despairing of a battle and scattered in all directions,
and was victorious more through stratagem and cunning than valor. But though there
had been room for such stratagem against savage and unskilled men, not even [Ariovistus]
himself expected that thereby our armies could be entrapped. That those who ascribed
their fear to a pretense about the [deficiency of] supplies and the narrowness
of the roads, acted presumptuously, as they seemed either to distrust their general’s
discharge of his duty, or to dictate to him. That these things were his concern;
that the Sequani, the Leuci, and the Lingones were to furnish the corn; and that
it was already ripe in the fields; that as to the road they would soon be able
to judge for themselves. As to its being reported that the soldiers would not
be obedient to command, or advance, he was not at all disturbed at that; for he
knew, that in the case of all those whose army had not been obedient to command,
either upon some mismanagement of an affair, fortune had deserted them, or, that
upon some crime being discovered, covetousness had been clearly proved [against
them]. His integrity had been seen throughout his whole life, his good fortune
in the war with the Helvetii. That he would therefore instantly set about what
he had intended to put off till a more distant day, and would break up his camp
the next night, in the fourth watch, that he might ascertain, as soon as possible,
whether a sense of honor and duty, or whether fear had more influence with them.
But that, if no one else should follow, yet he would go with only the tenth legion,
of which he had no misgivings, and it should be his praetorian cohort.” This legion
Caesar had both greatly favored, and in it, on account of its valor, placed the
greatest confidence.
“caes.gal.1.41”:[1.41] Upon the delivery of this speech, the minds of all were
changed in a surprising manner, and the highest ardor and eagerness for prosecuting
the war were engendered; and the tenth legion was the first to return thanks to
him, through their military tribunes, for his having expressed this most favorable
opinion of them; and assured him that they were quite ready to prosecute the war.
Then, the other legions endeavored, through their military tribunes and the centurions
of the principal companies, to excuse themselves to Caesar, [saying] that they
had never either doubted or feared, or supposed that the determination of the
conduct of the war was theirs and not their general’s. Having accepted their excuse,
and having had the road carefully reconnoitered by Divitiacus, because in him
of all others he had the greatest faith [he found] that by a circuitous route
of more than fifty miles he might lead his army through open parts; he then set
out in the fourth watch, as he had said [he would]. On the seventh day, as he
did not discontinue his march, he was informed by scouts that the forces of Ariovistus
were only four and twenty miles distant from ours.
“caes.gal.1.42”:[1.42] Upon being apprized of Caesar’s arrival, Ariovistus
sends embassadors to him, [saying] that what he had before requested as to a conference,
might now, as far as his permission went, take place, since he [Caesar] had approached
nearer, and he considered that he might now do it without danger. Caesar did not
reject the proposal and began to think that he was now returning to a rational
state of mind as he spontaneously proffered that which he had previously refused
to him when requesting it; and was in great hopes that, in consideration of his
own and the Roman people’s great favors toward him, the issue would be that he
would desist from his obstinacy upon his demands being made known. The fifth day
after that was appointed as the day of conference. Meanwhile, as ambassadors were
being often sent to and fro between them, Ariovistus demanded that Caesar should
not bring any foot-soldier with him to the conference, [saying] that “he was afraid
of being ensnared by him through treachery; that both should come accompanied
by cavalry; that he would not come on any other condition.” Caesar, as he neither
wished that the conference should, by an excuse thrown in the way, be set aside,
nor durst trust his life to the cavalry of the Gauls, decided that it would be
most expedient to take away from the Gallic cavalry all their horses, and thereon
to mount the legionary soldiers of the tenth legion, in which he placed the greatest
confidence, in order that he might have a body-guard as trustworthy as possible,
should there be any need for action. And when this was done, one of the soldiers
of the tenth legion said, not without a touch of humor, “that Caesar did more
for them than he had promised; he had promised to have the tenth legion in place
of his praetorian cohort; but he now converted them into horse.”
“caes.gal.1.43″:[1.43] There was a large plain, and in it a mound of earth
of considerable size. This spot was at nearly an equal distance from both camps.
Thither, as had been appointed, they came for the conference. Caesar stationed
the legion, which he had brought [with him] on horseback, 200 paces from this
mound. The cavalry of Ariovistus also took their stand at an equal distance. Ariovistus
then demanded that they should confer on horseback, and that, besides themselves,
they should bring with them ten men each to the conference. When they were come
to the place, Caesar, in the opening of his speech, detailed his own and the senate’s
favors toward him [Ariovistus], in that he had been styled king, in that [he had
been styled] friend, by the senate-in that very considerable presents had been
sent him; which circumstance he informed him had both fallen to the lot of few,
and had usually been bestowed in consideration of important personal services;
that he, although he had neither an introduction, nor a just ground for the request,
had obtained these honors through the kindness and munificence of himself [Caesar]
and the senate. He informed him too, how old and how just were the grounds of
connection that existed between themselves [the Romans] and the Aedui, what decrees
of the senate had been passed in their favor, and how frequent and how honorable;
how from time immemorial the Aedui had held the supremacy of the whole of Gaul;
even [said Caesar] before they had sought our friendship; that it was the custom
of the Roman people to desire not only that its allies and friends should lose
none of their property, but be advanced in influence, dignity, and honor: who
then could endure that what they had brought with them to the friendship of the
Roman people should be torn from them?” He then made the same demands which he
had commissioned the embassadors to make, that [Ariovistus] should not make war
either upon the Aedui or their allies, that he should restore the hostages; that
if he could not send back to their country any part of the Germans, he should
at all events suffer none of them any more to cross the Rhine.
“caes.gal.1.44”:[1.44] Ariovistus briefly replied to the demands of Caesar;
but expatiated largely on his own virtues, “that he had crossed the Rhine not
of his own accord, but on being invited and sent for by the Gauls; that he had
not left home and kindred without great expectations and great rewards; that he
had settlements in Gaul, granted by the Gauls themselves; that the hostages had
been given by their good-will; that he took by right of war the tribute which
conquerors are accustomed to impose on the conquered; that he had not made war
upon the Gauls, but the Gauls upon him; that all the states of Gaul came to attack
him, and had encamped against him; that all their forces had been routed and beaten
by him in a single battle; that if they chose to make a second trial, he was ready
to encounter them again; but if they chose to enjoy peace, it was unfair to refuse
the tribute, which of their own free-will they had paid up to that time. That
the friendship of the Roman people ought to prove to him an ornament and a safeguard,
not a detriment; and that he sought it with that expectation. But if through the
Roman people the tribute was to be discontinued, and those who surrendered to
be seduced from him, he would renounce the friendship of the Roman people no less
heartily than he had sought it. As to his leading over a host of Germans into
Gaul, that he was doing this with a view of securing himself, not of assaulting
Gaul: that there was evidence of this, in that he did not come without being invited,
and in that he did not make war, but merely warded it off. That he had come into
Gaul before the Roman people. That never before this time did a Roman army go
beyond the frontiers of the province of Gaul. What [said he] does [Caesar] desire?-
why come into his [Ariovistus] domains?-that this was his province of Gaul, just
as that is ours. As it ought not to be pardoned in him, if he were to make an
attack upon our territories; so, likewise, that we were unjust, to obstruct him
in his prerogative. As for Caesar’s saying that the Aedui had been styled ‘brethren’
by the senate, he was not so uncivilized nor so ignorant of affairs, as not to
know that the Aedui in the very last war with the Allobroges had neither rendered
assistance to the Romans, nor received any from the Roman people in the struggles
which the Aedui had been maintaining with him and with the Sequani. He must feel
suspicious, that Caesar, though feigning friendship as the reason for his keeping
an army in Gaul, was keeping it with the view of crushing him. And that unless
he depart and withdraw his army from these parts, he shall regard him not as a
friend, but as a foe; and that, even if he should put him to death, he should
do what would please many of the nobles and leading men of the Roman people; he
had assurance of that from themselves through their messengers, and could purchase
the favor and the friendship of them all by his [Caesar’s] death. But if he would
depart and resign to him the free possession of Gaul, he would recompense him
with a great reward, and would bring to a close whatever wars he wished to be
carried on, without any trouble or risk to him.”
“caes.gal.1.45”:[1.45] Many things were stated by Caesar to the effect [to
show]; “why he could not waive the business, and that neither his nor the Roman
people’s practice would suffer him to abandon most meritorious allies, nor did
he deem that Gaul belonged to Ariovistus rather than to the Roman people; that
the Arverni and the Ruteni had been subdued in war by Quintus Fabius Maximus,
and that the Roman people had pardoned them and had not reduced them into a province
or imposed a tribute upon them. And if the most ancient period was to be regarded-then
was the sovereignty of the Roman people in Gaul most just: if the decree of the
Senate was to be observed, then ought Gaul to be free, which they [the Romans]
had conquered in war, and had permitted to enjoy its own laws.”
“caes.gal.1.46”:[1.46] While these things are being transacted in the conference
it was announced to Caesar that the cavalry of Ariovistus were approaching nearer
the mound, and were riding up to our men, and casting stones and weapons at them.
Caesar made an end of his speech and betook himself to his men; and commanded
them that they should by no means return a weapon upon the enemy. For though he
saw that an engagement with the cavalry would be without any danger to his chosen
legion, yet he did not think proper to engage, lest, after the enemy were routed,
it might be said that they had been insnared by him under the sanction of a conference.
When it was spread abroad among the common soldiery with what haughtiness Ariovistus
had behaved at the conference, and how he had ordered the Romans to quit Gaul,
and how his cavalry had made an attack upon our men, and how this had broken off
the conference, a much greater alacrity and eagerness for battle was infused into
our army.
“caes.gal.1.47”:[1.47] Two days after, Ariovistus sends embassadors to Caesar,
to state “that he wished to treat with him about those things which had been begun
to be treated of between them, but had not been concluded;” [and to beg] that
“he would either again appoint a day for a conference; or, if he were not willing
to do that, that he would send one of his [officers] as an embassador to him.”
There did not appear to Caesar any good reason for holding a conference; and the
more so as the day before the Germans could not be restrained from casting weapons
at our men. He thought he should not without great danger send to him as embassador
one of his [Roman] officers, and should expose him to savage men. It seemed [therefore]
most proper to send to him C. Valerius Procillus, the son of C. Valerius Caburus,
a young man of the highest courage and accomplishments (whose father had been
presented with the freedom of the city by C. Valerius Flaccus), both on account
of his fidelity and on account of his knowledge of the Gallic language, which
Ariovistus, by long practice, now spoke fluently; and because in his case the
Germans would have no motive for committing violence; and [as his colleague] M.
Mettius, who had shared the hospitality of Ariovistus. He commissioned them to
learn what Ariovistus had to say, and to report to him. But when Ariovistus saw
them before him in his camp, he cried out in the presence of his army, “Why were
they come to him? Was it for the purpose of acting as spies?” He stopped them
when attempting to speak, and cast them into chains.
“caes.gal.1.48”:[1.48] The same day he moved his camp forward and pitched under
a hill six miles from Caesar’s camp. The day following he led his forces past
Caesar’s camp, and encamped two miles beyond him; with this design that he might
cut off Caesar from the corn and provisions, which might be conveyed to him from
the Sequani and the Aedui. For five successive days from that day, Caesar drew
out his forces before the camp, and put them in battle order, that, if Ariovistus
should be willing to engage in battle, an opportunity might not be wanting to
him. Ariovistus all this time kept his army in camp: but engaged daily in cavalry
skirmishes. The method of battle in which the Germans had practiced themselves
was this. There were 6,000 horse, and as many very active and courageous foot,
one of whom each of the horse selected out of the whole army for his own protection.
By these [foot] they were constantly accompanied in their engagements; to these
the horse retired; these on any emergency rushed forward; if any one, upon receiving
a very severe wound, had fallen from his horse, they stood around him: if it was
necessary to advance further than usual, or to retreat more rapidly, so great,
from practice, was their swiftness, that, supported by the manes of the horses,
they could keep pace with their speed.
“caes.gal.1.49”:[1.49] Perceiving that Ariovistus kept himself in camp, Caesar,
that he might not any longer be cut off from provisions, chose a convenient position
for a camp beyond that place in which the Germans had encamped, at about 600 paces
from them, and having drawn up his army in three lines, marched to that place.
He ordered the first and second lines to be under arms; the third to fortify the
camp. This place was distant from the enemy about 600 paces, as has been stated.
Thither Ariovistus sent light troops, about 16,000 men in number, with all his
cavalry; which forces were to intimidate our men, and hinder them in their fortification.
Caesar nevertheless, as he had before arranged, ordered two lines to drive off
the enemy: the third to execute the work. The camp being fortified, he left there
two legions and a portion of the auxiliaries; and led back the other four legions
into the larger camp.
“caes.gal.1.50”:[1.50] The next day, according to his custom, Caesar led out
his forces from both camps, and having advanced a little from the larger one,
drew up his line of battle, and gave the enemy an opportunity of fighting. When
he found that they did not even then come out [from their intrenchments,] he led
back his army into camp about noon. Then at last Ariovistus sent part of his forces
to attack the lesser camp. The battle was vigorously maintained on both sides
till the evening. At sunset, after many wounds had been inflicted and received,
Ariovistus led back his forces into camp. When Caesar inquired of his prisoners,
wherefore Ariovistus did not come to an engagement, he discovered this to be the
reason-that among the Germans it was the custom for their matrons to pronounce
from lots and divination, whether it were expedient that the battle should be
engaged in or not; that they had said, “that it was not the will of heaven that
the Germans should conquer, if they engaged in battle before the new moon.”
“caes.gal.1.51”:[1.51] The day following, Caesar left what seemed sufficient
as a guard for both camps; [and then] drew up all the auxiliaries in sight of
the enemy, before the lesser camp, because he was not very powerful in the number
of legionary soldiers, considering the number of the enemy; that [thereby] he
might make use of his auxiliaries for appearance. He himself, having drawn up
his army in three lines, advanced to the camp of the enemy. Then at last of necessity
the Germans drew their forces out of camp, and disposed them canton by canton,
at equal distances, the Harudes, Marcomanni, Tribocci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii,
Suevi; and surrounded their whole army with their chariots and wagons, that no
hope might be left in flight. On these they placed their women, who, with disheveled
hair and in tears, entreated the soldiers, as they went forward to battle, not
to deliver them into slavery to the Romans.
“caes.gal.1.52”:[1.52] Caesar appointed over each legion a lieutenant and a
questor, that every one might have them as witnesses of his valor. He himself
began the battle at the head of the right wing, because he had observed that part
of the enemy to be the least strong. Accordingly our men, upon the signal being
given, vigorously made an attack upon the enemy, and the enemy so suddenly and
rapidly rushed forward, that there was no time for casting the javelins at them.
Throwing aside [therefore] their javelins, they fought with swords hand to hand.
But the Germans, according to their custom, rapidly forming a phalanx, sustained
the attack of our swords. There were found very many of our soldiers who leaped
upon the phalanx, and with their hands tore away the shields, and wounded the
enemy from above. Although the army of the enemy was routed on the left wing and
put to flight, they [still] pressed heavily on our men from the right wing, by
the great number of their troops. On observing which, P. Crassus, a young man,
who commanded the cavalry-as he was more disengaged than those who were employed
in the fight-sent the third line as a relief to our men who were in distress.
“caes.gal.1.53”:[1.53] Thereupon the engagement was renewed, and all the enemy
turned their backs, nor did they cease to flee until they arrived at the river
Rhine, about fifty miles from that place. There some few, either relying on their
strength, endeavored to swim over, or, finding boats, procured their safety. Among
the latter was Ariovistus, who meeting with a small vessel tied to the bank, escaped
in it; our horse pursued and slew all the rest of them. Ariovistus had two wives,
one a Suevan by nation, whom he brought with him from home; the other a Norican,
the sister of king Vocion, whom he had married in Gaul, she having been sent [thither
for that purpose] by her brother. Both perished in that flight. Of their two daughters,
one was slain, the other captured. C. Valerius Procillus, as he was being dragged
by his guards in the fight, bound with a triple chain, fell into the hands of
Caesar himself, as he was pursuing the enemy with his cavalry. This circumstance
indeed afforded Caesar no less pleasure than the victory itself; because he saw
a man of the first rank in the province of Gaul, his intimate acquaintance and
friend, rescued from the hand of the enemy, and restored to him, and that fortune
had not diminished aught of the joy and exultation [of that day] by his destruction.
He [Procillus] said that, in his own presence, the lots had been thrice consulted
respecting him, whether he should immediately be put to death by fire, or be reserved
for another time: that by the favor of the lots he was uninjured. M. Mettius,
also, was found and brought back to him [Caesar.]
“caes.gal.1.54”:[1.54] This battle having been reported beyond the Rhine, the
Suevi, who had come to the banks of that river, began to return home, when the
Ubii, who dwelt nearest to the Rhine, pursuing them, while much alarmed, slew
a great number of them. Caesar having concluded two very important wars in one
campaign, conducted his army into winter quarters among the Sequani, a little
earlier than the season of the year required. He appointed Labienus over the winter-quarters,
and set out in person for Hither Gaul to hold the assizes.
End of Book 1
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