The Anabasis book 6

Xenophon

Anabasis

or March Up Country

BOOK VI

After this, whilst waiting, they lived partly on supplies from the 1 market,
partly on the fruit of raids into Paphlagonia. The Paphlagonians, on their side,
showed much skill in kidnapping stragglers, wherever they could lay hands on them,
and in the night time tried to do mischief to those whose quarters were at a distance
from the camp. The result was that their relations to one another were exceedingly
hostile, so much so that Corylas, who was the chief of Paphlagonia at that date,
sent ambassadors to the Hellenes, bearing horses and fine apparel, and charged
with a proposal on the part of Corylas to make terms with the Hellenes on the
principle of mutual forbearance from injuries. The generals replied that they
would consult with the army about the matter. Meanwhile they gave them a hospitable
reception, to which they invited certain members of the army whose claims were
obvious. They sacrificed some of the captive cattle and other sacrificial beasts,
and with these they furnished forth a sufficiently festal entertainment, and reclining
on their truckle beds, fell to eating and drinking out of beakers made of horn
which they happened to find in the country.

But as soon as the libation was ended and they had sung the hymn, up got first
some Thracians, who performed a dance under arms to the sound of a pipe, leaping
high into the air with much nimbleness, and brandishing their swords, till at
last one man struck his fellow, and every one thought he was really wounded, so
skilfully and artistically 6 did he fall, and the Paphlagonians screamed out.
Then he that gave the blow stripped the other of his arms, and marched off chanting
the “Sitalcas[1],” whilst others of the Thracians bore off the other, who lay
as if dead, though he had not received even a scratch.

[1] I.e. the national Thracian hymn; for Sitalcas the king, a national hero,
see Thuc. ii. 29.

After this some Aenianians[2] and Magnesians got up and fell to dancing the
Carpaea, as it is called, under arms. This was the manner of the dance: one man
lays aside his arms and proceeds to drive a yoke of oxen, and while he drives
he sows, turning him about frequently, as though he were afraid of something;
up comes a cattle-lifter, and no sooner does the ploughman catch sight of him
afar, than he snatches up his arms and confronts him. They fight in front of his
team, and all in rhythm to the sound of the pipe. At last the robber binds the
countryman and drives off the team. Or sometimes the cattle-driver binds the robber,
and then he puts him under the yoke beside the oxen, with his two hands tied behind
his back, and off he drives.

[2] The Aenianians, an Aeolian people inhabiting the upper valley of the Sperchius
(the ancient Phthia); their capital was Hypata. These men belonged to the army
collected by Menon, the Thessalian. So, doubtless, did the Magnesians, another
Aeolian tribe occupying the mountainous coast district on the east of Thessaly.
See Kiepert’s “Man. Anct. Geog.” (Macmillan’s tr.), chap. vi.. 161, 170.

After this a Mysian came in with a light shield in either hand and danced,
at one time going through a pantomime, as if he were dealing with two assailants
at once; at another plying his shields as if to face a single foe, and then again
he would whirl about and throw somersaults, keeping the shields in his hands,
so that it was a beautiful spectacle. Last of all he danced the Persian dance,
clashing the shields together, crouching down on one knee and springing up again
from earth; and all this he did in measured time to the sound of the flute. After
him the Mantineans stepped upon the stage, and some other Arcadians also stood
up; they had accoutred themselves in all their warlike finery. They marched with
measured tread, pipes playing, to the tune of the ‘warrior’s march[3]’; the notes
of the paean rose, 11 lightly their limbs moved in dance, as in solemn procession
to the holy gods. The Paphlagonians looked upon it as something truly strange
that all these dances should be under arms; and the Mysians, seeing their astonishment
persuaded one of the Arcadians who had got a dancing girl to let him introduce
her, which he did after dressing her up magnificently and giving her a light shield.
When, lithe of limb, she danced the Pyrrhic[4], loud clapping followed; and the
Paphlagonians asked, “If these women fought by their side in battle?” to which
they answered, “To be sure, it was the women who routed the great King, and drove
him out of camp.” So ended the night.

[3] See Plato, “Rep.” 400 B, for this “war measure”; also Aristoph. “Clouds,”
653.

[4] For this famous dance, supposed to be of Doric (Cretan or Spartan) origin,
see Smith’s “Dict. of Antiquities,” “Saltatio”; also Guhl and Koner, “The Life
of the Greeks and Romans,” Eng. tr.

But next day the generals introduced the embassy to the army, and the soldiers
passed a resolution in the sense proposed: between themselves and the Paphlagonians
there was to be a mutual abstinence from injuries. After this the ambassadors
went on their way, and the Hellenes, as soon as it was thought that sufficient
vessels had arrived, went on board ship, and voyaged a day and a night with a
fair breeze, keeping Paphlagonia on their left. And on the following day, arriving
at Sinope, they came to moorings in the harbour of Harmene, near Sinope[5]. The
Sinopeans, though inhabitants of Paphlagonia, are really colonists of the Milesians.
They sent gifts of hospitality to the Hellenes, three thousand measures of barley
with fifteen hundred jars of wine. At this place Cheirisophus rejoined them with
a man-of-war. The soldiers certainly expected that, having come, he would have
brought them something, but he brought them nothing, except complimentary phrases,
on the part of Anaxibius, the high admiral, and the rest, who sent them their
congratulations, coupled with a promise on the part of Anaxibius that, as soon
as they were outside the Euxine, pay would be forthcoming.

[5] Harmene, a port of Sinope, between four and five miles (fifty stades) west
of that important city, itself a port town. See Smith, “Dict. Geog.,” “Sinope”;
and Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 60.

At Harmene the army halted five days; and now that they seemed to be 17 so
close to Hellas, the question how they were to reach home not empty-handed presented
itself more forcibly to their minds than heretofore. The conclusion they came
to was to appoint a single general, since one man would be better able to handle
the troops, by night or by day, than was possible while the generalship was divided.
If secrecy were desirable, it would be easier to keep matters dark, or if again
expedition were an object, there would be less risk of arriving a day too late,
since mutual explanations would be avoided, and whatever approved itself to the
single judgement would at once be carried into effect, whereas previously the
generals had done everything in obedience to the opinion of the majority.

With these ideas working in their minds, they turned to Xenophon, and the officers
came to him and told him that this was how the soldiers viewed matters; and each
of them, displaying a warmth of kindly feeling, pressed him to accept the office.
Xenophon partly would have liked to do so, in the belief that by so doing he would
win to himself a higher repute in the esteem of his friends, and that his name
would be reported to the city written large; and by some stroke of fortune he
might even be the discoverer of some blessing to the army collectively.

These and the like considerations elated him; he had a strong desire to hold
the supreme command. But then again, as he turned the matter over, the conviction
deepened in his mind that the issue of the future is to every man uncertain; and
hence there was the risk of perhaps losing such reputation has he had already
acquired. He was in sore straights, and, not knowing how to decide, it seemed
best to him to lay the matter before heaven. Accordingly, he led two victims to
the altar and made sacrifice to Zeus the King, for it was he and no other who
had been named by the oracle at Delphi, and his belief was that the vision which
he had beheld when he first essayed to undertake the joint administration of the
army was sent to him by that god. He also recalled to mind a circumstance which
befell him still earlier, when 23 setting out from Ephesus to associate himself
with Cyrus[6];–how an eagle screamed on his right hand from the east, and still
remained perched, and the soothsayer who was escorting him said that it was a
great and royal omen[7]; indicating glory and yet suffering; for the punier race
of birds only attack the eagle when seated. “Yet,” added he, “it bodes not gain
in money; for the eagle seizes his food, not when seated, but on the wing.”

[6] Cf. “Cyrop.” II. i. 1; an eagle appears to Cyrus on the frontiers of Persia,
when about to join his uncle Cyaxares, king of Media, on his expedition against
the Assyrian.

[7] It is important to note that the Greek word {oionos}, a solitary or lone-flying
bird, also means an omen. “It was a mighty bird and a mighty omen.”

Thus Xenophon sacrificed, and the god as plainly as might be gave him a sign,
neither to demand the generalship, nor, if chosen, to accept the office. And that
was how the matter stood when the army met, and the proposal to elect a single
leader was unanimous. After this resolution was passed, they proposed Xenophon
for election, and when it seemed quite evident that they would elect him, if he
put the question to the vote, he got up and spoke as follows:–

“Sirs, I am but mortal, and must needs be happy to be honoured by you. I thank
you, and am grateful, and my prayer is that the gods may grant me to be an instrument
of blessing to you. Still, when I consider it closer, thus, in the presence of
a Lacedaemonian, to be preferred by you as general, seems to me but ill conducive
either to your interests or to mine, since you will the less readily obtain from
them hereafter anything you may need, while for myself I look upon acceptance
as even somewhat dangerous. Do I not see and know with what persistence these
Lacedaemonians prosecuted the war till finally they forced our State to acknowledge
the leadership of Lacedaemon? This confession once extorted from their antagonists,
they ceased warring at once, and the seige of the city was at an end. If, with
these facts before my eyes, I seem to be doing all I can to neutralise their high
self-esteem, I cannot escape the reflection that personally I may be taught wisdom
by a painful process. But with your own idea that under a single general there
will be less factiousness than when there were many, be assured 29 that in choosing
some other than me you will not find me factious. I hold that whosoever sets up
factious opposition to his leader factiously opposes his own safety. While if
you determine to choose me, I should not be surprised were that choice to entail
upon you and me the resentment of other people.”

After those remarks on Xenophon’s part, many more got up, one after another,
insisting on the propriety of his undertaking the command. One of them, Agasias
the Stymphalian, said: It was really ridiculous, if things had come to this pass
that the Lacedeamonians are to fly into a rage because a number of friends have
met together to dinner, and omitted to choose a Lacedaemonian to sit at the head
of the table. “Really, if that is how matters stand,” said he, “I do not see what
right we have to be officers even, we who are only Arcadians.” That sally brought
down the plaudits of the assembly; and Xenophon, seeing that something more was
needed, stepped forward again and spoke, “Pardon, sirs,” he said, “let me make
a clean breast of it. I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses; verily and
indeed, I no sooner perceived your purpose, than I consulted the victims, whether
it was better for you to entrust this leadership to me, and for me to undertake
it, or the reverse. And the gods vouchsafed a sign to me so plain that even a
common man might understand it, and perceive that from such sovereignty I must
needs hold myself aloof.”

Under these circumstances they chose Cheirisophus, who, after his election,
stepped forward and said: “Nay, sirs, be well assured of this, that had you chosen
some one else, I for my part should not have set up factious opposition. As to
Xenophon, I believe you have done him a good turn by not appointing him; for even
now Dexippus has gone some way in traducing him to Anaxibius, as far as it lay
in his power to do so, and that, in spite of my attempts to silence him. What
he said was that he believed Xenophon would rather share the command of Clearchus’s
army with Timasion, a Dardanian, than with himself, a Laconian. But,” continued
Cheirisophus, “since your choice has fallen 33 upon me, I will make it my endeavour
to do you all the good in my power; so make your preparations to weigh anchor
to-morrow; wind and weather permitting, we will voyage to Heraclea; every one
must endeavour, therefore, to put in at that port; and for the rest we will consult,
when we are come thither.”

II

The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from Harmene with a fair 1 breeze,
two days’ voyage along the coast. [As they coasted along they came in sight of
Jason’s beach[1], where, as the story says, the ship Argo came to moorings; and
then the mouths of the rivers, first the Thermodon, then the Iris, then the Halys,
and next to it the Parthenius.] Coasting past [the latter], they reached Heraclea[2],
a Hellenic city and a colony of the Megarians, situated in the territory of the
Mariandynians. So they came to achorage off the Acherusian Chersonese, where Heracles[3]
is said to have descended to bring up the dog Cerberus, at a point where they
still show the marks of his descent, a deep cleft more than two furlongs down.
Here the Heracleots sent the Hellenes, as gifts of hospitality, three thousand
measures of barley and two thousand jars of wine, twenty beeves and one hundred
sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, as it is called, about
two hundred feet in breadth.

[1] I have left this passage in the text, although it involves, at first sight,
a topographical error on the part of whoever wrote it, and Hug and other commentators
regard it as spurious. Jason’s beach (the modern Yasoun Bouroun) and the three
first-named rivers lie between Cotyora and Sinope. Possibly the author, or one
of his editors, somewhat loosely inserted a recapitulatory note concerning the
scenery of this coasting voyage at this point. “By the way, I ought to have told
you that as they coasted along,” etc.

[2] One of the most powerful of commercial cities, distinguished as Pontica
(whence, in the middle ages, Penteraklia), now Eregli. It was one of the older
Greek settlements, and, like Kalchedon (to give that town its proper name), a
Megaro-Doric colony. See Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 62.

[3] According to another version of the legend Heracles went down to bring
up Cerberus, not here, but at Taenarum.

The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the remainder of the journey:
should they make their exit from the Pontus by sea or by land? and Lycon the Achaean
got up and said: “I am astonished, sirs, that the generals do not endeavour to
provide us more efficiently with provisions. These gifts of hospitality will not
afford three days’ 4 victuals for the army; nor do I see from what region we are
to provide ourselves as we march. My proposal, therefore, is to demand of the
Heracleots at least three thousand cyzicenes.” Another speaker suggested, “not
less than ten thousand. Let us at once, before we break up this meeting, send
ambassadors to the city and ascertain their answer to the demand and take counsel
accordingly.” Thereupon they proceeded to put up as ambassadors, first and foremost
Cheirisophus, as he had been chosen general-in-chief; others also named Xenophon.

But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, maintaining both alike
that they could not compel a Hellenic city, actually friendly, to give anything
which they did not spontaneously offer. So, since these two appeared to be backward,
the soldiers sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the
Stymphalian. These three went and announced the resolutions passed by the army.
Lycon, it was said, even went so far as to threaten certain consequences in case
they refused to comply. The Heracleots said they would deliberate; and, without
more ado, they got together their goods and chattels from their farms and fields
outside, and dismantled the market outside and transferred it within, after which
the gates were closed, and arms appeared at the battlements of the walls.

At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell to accusing the
generals, as if they had marred the proceeding; and the Arcadians and Archaeans
banded together, chiefly under the auspiecs of the two ringleaders, Callimachus
the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean. The language they held was to this effect:
It was outrageous that a single Athenian and a Lacedaemonian, who had not contributed
a soldier to the expedition, should rule Peloponnesians; scandalous that they
themselves should bear the toils whilst others pocketed the spoils, and that too
though the preservation of the army was due to themselves; for, as every one must
admit, to the Arcadians and 10 Achaeans the credit of that achievement was due,
and the rest of the army went for nothing (which was indeed so far true that the
Arcadians and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half of the whole army).
What then did common sense suggest? Why, that they, the Arcadians and Achaeans,
should make common cause, choose generals for themselves independently, continue
the march, and try somewhat to better their condition. This proposal was carried.
All the Arcadians and Achaeans who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and
Xenophon, setting up for themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. These
ten, it was decreed, were to put into effect such measures as approved themselves
to the majority. Thus the absolute authority vested in Cheirisophus was terminated
there and then, within less than a week of his appointment.

Xenophon, however was minded to prosecute the journey in their campany, thinking
that this would be a safer plan than for each to start on his own account. But
Neon threw in his weight in favour of separate action. “Every one for himself,”
he said, for he had heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Spartan governor-general
at Byzantium, talked of coming to Calpe Haven with some war vessels. Neon’s advice
was due to his desire to secure a passage home in these war vessels for themselves
and their soldiers, without allowing any one else to share in their good-fortune.
As for Cheirisophus, he was at once so out of heart at the turn things had taken,
and soured with the whole army, that he left it to his subordinate, Neon, to do
just what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still have been glad to be quit
of the expedition and sail home; but on offering sacrifice to Heracles the Leader,
and seeking advice, whether it were better and more desirable to continue the
march in charge of the soldiers who had remained faithful, or to take his departure,
the god indicated to him by the victims that he should adopt the former course.

In this way the army was now split up into three divisions[4]. First, the Arcadians
and Achaeans, over four thousand five hundred men, all heavy infantry. Secondly,
Cheirisophus and his men, viz. one thousand 16 four hundred heavy infantry and
the seven hundred peltasts, or Clearchus’s Thracians. Thirdly, Xenophon’s division
of one thousand seven hundred heavy infantry, and three hundred peltasts; but
then he alone had the cavalry–about forty troopers.

[4] The total now amounted to 8640 and over.

The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and got some vessels from
them, were the first to set sail; they hoped, by pouncing suddenly on the Bithynians,
to make as large a haul as possible. With that object they disembarked at Calpe
Haven[5], pretty nearly at the middle point in Thrace. Cheirisophus setting off
straight from Heraclea, commenced a land march through the country; but having
entered into Thrace, he preferred to cling to the seaboard, health and strength
failing him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels, and disembarking on the confines
of Thrace and the Heracleotid, pushed forward through the heart of the country[6].

[5] The Haven of Calpe = Kirpe Liman or Karpe in the modern maps. The name
is interesting as being also the ancient name of the rock fortress of Gibraltar.

[6] Some MSS. here read, “In the prior chapter will be found a description
of the manner in which the absolute command of Cheirisophus was abruptly terminated
and the army of the Hellenes broken up. The sequel will show how each of these
divisions fared.” The passage is probably one of those commentators’ notes, with
which we are now familiar.

III

The Arcadians, disembarking under cover of night at Calpe Haven, 1 marched
against the nearest villages about thirty furlongs from the sea; and as soon as
it was light, each of the ten generals led his company to attack one village,
or if the village were large, a couple of companies advanced under their combined
generals. They further agreed upon a certain knoll, where they were all eventually
to assemble. So sudden was their attack that they seized a number of captives
and enclosed a multitude of small cattle. But the Thracians who escaped began
to collect again; for being light-armed troops they had slipped in large numbers
through the hands of the heavy infantry; and now that they were got together they
first attacked the company of the Arcadian general, Smicres, who had done his
work and was retiring to the appointed meeting-place, driving along a large train
of captives and cattle. For a good while the Hellenes maintained a running fight[1];
but at the passage of a gorge the enemy routed them, 5 slaying Smicres himself
and those with him to a man. The fate of another company under command of Hegesander,
another of the ten, was nearly as bad; only eight men escaped, Hegesander being
one of them. The remaining captains eventually met, some with somewhat to show
for their pains, others empty-handed.

[1] Lit. “marched and fought,” as did the forlorn hope under Sir C. Wilson
making its way from Abu Klea to the Nile in Jan. 1885.

The Thracians, having achieved this success, kept up a continual shouting and
clatter of conversation to one another during the night; but with day-dawn they
marshalled themselves right round the knoll on which the Hellenes were encamped–both
cavalry in large numbers and light-armed troops–while every minute the stream
of new-comers grew greater. Then they commenced an attack on the heavy infantry
in all security, for the Hellenes had not a single bowman, javelin-man, or mounted
trooper amongst them; while the enemy rushed forward on foot or galloped up on
horseback and let fly their javelins. It was vain to attempt to retaliate, so
lightly did they spring back and escape; and ever the attack renewed itself from
every point, so that on one side man after man was wounded, on the other not a
soul was touched; the result being that they could not stir from their position,
and the Thracians ended by cutting them off even from their water. In their despair
they began to parley about a truce, and finally various concessions were made
and terms agreed to between them; but the Thracians would not hear of giving hostages
in answer to the demand of the Hellenes; at that point the matter rested. So fared
it with the Arcadians.

As to Cheirisophus, that general prosecuted his march along the 10 seaboard,
and without check reached Calpe Haven. Xenophon advanced through the heart of
the country; and his cavalry pushing on in front, came upon some old men pursuing
their road somewither, who were brought to him, and in answer to his question,
whether they had caught sight of another Hellenic army anywhere, told him all
that had already taken place, adding that at present they were being besieged
upon a knoll with all the Thracians in close circle round them. Thereupon he kept
the old men under strict guard to serve as guides in case of need; next, having
appointed outposts, he called a meeting of the soldiers, and addressed them: “Soldiers,
some of the Arcadians are dead and the rest are being besieged upon a certain
knoll. Now my own belief is, that if they are to perish, with their deaths the
seal is set to our own fate: since we must reckon with an enemy at once numerous
and emboldened. Clearly our best course is to hasten to their rescue, if haply
we may find them still alive, and do battle by their side rather than suffer isolation,
confronting danger single-handed.

“Let us then at once push forward as far as may seem opportune till supper-time,
and then encamp. As long as we are marching, let Timasion, with the cavalry, gallop
on in front, but without losing sight of us; and let him examine all closely in
front, so that nothing may escape our observation.” (At the same time too, he
sent out some nimble fellows of the light-armed troops to the flanks and to the
high tops, who were to give a signal if they espied anything anywhere; ordering
them to burn everything inflammable which lay in their path.) “As for ourselves,”
he continued, “we need not look to find cover in any direction; for it is a long
step back to Heraclea and a long leap across to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is
at the door. The shortest road is to Calpe Haven, where we suppose Cheirisophus,
if safe, to be; but then, when we get there, at Calpe Haven there are no vessels
for us to sail away in; and if we stop here, we have not provisions for a single
day. Suppose the beleaguered Arcadians left to their fate, we shall find it but
a sorry alternative to run the gauntlet with Cheirisophus’s detachment alone;
better to save them if we can, and 17 with united forces work out our deliverance
in common. But if so, we must set out with minds prepared, since to-day either
a glorious death awaits us or the achievement of a deed of noblest emprise in
the rescue of so many Hellene lives. Maybe it is God who leads us thus, God who
chooses to humble the proud boaster, boasting as though he were exceedingly wise,
but for us, the beginning of whose every act is by heaven’s grace, that same God
reserves a higher grade of honour. One duty I would recall to you, to apply your
minds to the execution of the orders with promptitude.”

With these words he led the way. The cavalry, scattering as far in advance
as was prudent, wherever they set foot, set fire. The peltasts moving parallel
on the high ground were similarly employed, burning everything combustible they
could discover. While the main army, wherever they came upon anything which had
accidentally escaped, completed the work, so that the whole country looked as
if it were ablaze; and the army might easily pass for a larger one. When the hour
had come, they turned aside to a knoll and took up quarters; and there they espied
the enemy’s watch-fires. He was about forty furlongs distant. On their side also
they kindled as many watch-fires as possible; but as soon as they had dined the
order was passed to quench all the fires. So during the night they posted guards
and slept. But at daybreak they offered prayers to the gods, and drawing up in
order of battle, began marching with what speed they might. Timasion and the cavalry,
who had the guides with them, and were moving on briskly in front, found themselves
without knowing it at the very knoll upon which the Hellenes had been beleaguered.
But no army could they discover, whether of friend or foe; only some starveling
old women and men, with a few sheep and oxen which had been left behind. This
news they reproted to Xenophon and the main body. At first the marvel was what
had happened; but ere long they found out by inquiries from the folk who had been
left behind, that the Thracians had set off immediately after sundown, and were
gone; the Hellenes had waited till morning before they made off, but in what direction,
they could not 23 say.

On hearing this, Xenophon’s troops first breakfasted, and then getting their
kit together began their march, desiring to unite with the rest at Calpe’s Haven
without loss of time. As they continued their march, they came across the track
of the Arcadians and Achaeans along the road to Calpe, and both divisions arriving
eventually at the same place, were overjoyed to see one another again, and they
embraced each other like brothers. Then the Arcadians inquired of Xenophon’s officers–why
they had quenched the watch-fires? “At first,” said they, “when we lost sight
of your watch-fires, we expected you to attack the enemy in the night; and the
enemy, so at least we imagined, must have been afraid of that and so set off.
The time at any rate at which they set off would correspond. But when the requisite
time had elapsed and you did not come, we concluded that you must have learnt
what was happening to us, and in terror had made a bolt for it to the seaboard.
We resolved not to be left behind by you; and that is how we also came to march
hither.”

IV

During this day they contented themselves with bivouacking there on 1 the beach
at the harbour. The place which goes by the name of Calpe Haven is in Asiatic
Thrace, the name given to a region extending from the mouth of the Euxine all
the way to Heraclea, which lies on the right hand as you sail into the Euxine.
It is a long day’s voyage for a war-ship, using her three banks of oars, from
Byzantium to Heraclea, and between these two there is not a single Hellenic or
friendly city, but only these Bithynian Thracians, who have a bad reputation for
the savagery with which they treat any Hellenes cast ashore by shipwreck or otherwise
thrown into their power.

Now the haven of Calpe lies exactly midway, halving the voyage between Byzantium
and Heraclea. It is a long promontory running out into the sea; the seaward portion
being a rocky precipice, at no point less than twenty fathons high; but on the
landward side there is a neck 3 about four hundred feet wide; and the space inside
the neck is capable of accommodating ten thousand inhabitants, and there is a
haven immediately under the crag with a beach facing the west. Then there is a
copious spring of fresh water flowing on the very marge of the sea commanded by
the stronghold. Again, there is plenty of wood of various sorts; but most plentiful
of all, fine shipbuilding timber down to the very edge of the sea. The upland
stretches into the heart of the country for twenty furlongs at least. It is good
loamy soil, free from stones. For a still greater distance the seaboard is thickly
grown with large timber trees of every description. The surrounding country is
beautiful and spacious, containing numerous well populated villages. The soil
produces barley and wheat, and pulse of all sorts, millet and sesame, figs in
ample supply, with numerous vines producing sweet wines, and indeed everything
else except olives. Such is the character of the country.

The tents were pitched on the seaward-facing beach, the soldiers being altogether
averse to camping on ground which might so easily be converted into a city. Indeed,
their arrival at the place at all seemed very like the crafty design of some persons
who were minded to form a city. The aversion was not unnatural, since the majority
of the soldiers had not left their homes on so long a voyage from scantiness or
subsistence, but attracted by the fame of Cyrus’s virtues; some of them bringing
followers, while others had expended money on the expedition. And amongst them
was a third set who had run away from fathers and mothers; while a different class
had left children behind, hoping to return to them with money or other gains.
Other people with Cyrus won great success, they were told[1]; why should it not
be so with them? Being persons then of this description, the one longing of their
hearts was to reach Hellas safely.

[1] I.e. “his society was itself a passport to good fortune.”

It was on the day after their meeting that Xenophon sacrificed as a preliminary
to a military expedition; for it was needful to march out in search of provisions,
besides which he designed burying the dead. 9 As soon as the victims proved favourable
they all setout, the Arcadians following with the rest. The majority of the dead,
who had lain already five days, they buried just where they had fallen, in groups;
to remove their bodies now would have been impossible. Some few, who lay off the
roads, they got together and buried with what splendour they could, considering
the means in their power. Others they could not find, and for these they erected
a great cenotaph[2], and covered it with wreaths. When it was all done, they returned
home to camp. At that time they supped, and went to rest.

[2] “Cenotaph”, i.e. “an empty tomb.” The word is interesting as occuring only
in Xenophon, until we come to the writers of the common dialect. Compare “hyuscyamus,”
hogbean, our henbane, which we also owe to Xenophon. “Oecon.” i. 13, see Sauppe,
“Lexil. Xen.” s.vv.

Next day there was a general meeting of the soldiers, collected chiefly by
Agasias the Stymphalian, a captain, and Hieronymus, an Eleian, also a captain,
and other seniors of the Arcadians; and they passed a resolution that, for the
future, whoever revived the idea of breaking up the army should be punished by
death. And the army, it was decided, would now resume its old position under the
command of its former generals. Though Cheirisophus, indeed, had already died
under medical treatment for fever[3]; and Neon the Asinaean had taken his place.

[3] This I take to be the meaning of the words, which are necessarily ambiguous,
since {pharmakon}, “a drug,” also means “poison.” Did Cheirisophus conceivably
die of fever brought on by some poisonous draught? or did he take poison whilst
suffering from fever? or did he die under treatment?

After these resolutions Xenophon got up and said: “Soldiers, the journey must
now, I presume, be conducted on foot; indeed, this is clear, since we have no
vessels; and we are driven to commence it at once, for we have no provisions if
we stop. We then,” he continued, “will sacrifice, and you must prepare yourselves
to fight now, if ever, for the spirit of the enemy has revived.”

Thereupon the generals sacrificed, in the presence of the Arcadian seer, Arexion;
for Silanus the Ambraciot had chartered a vessel at Heraclea and made his escape
ere this. Sacrificing with a view to 13 departure, the victims proved unfavourable
to them. Accordingly they waited that day. Certain people were bold enough to
say that Xenophon, out of his desire to colonise the place, had persuaded the
seer to say that the victims were unfavourable to departure. Consequently he proclaimed
by herald next morning that any one who liked should be present at the sacrifice;
or if he were a seer he was bidden to be present and help to inspect the victims.
Then he sacrificed, and there were numbers present; but though the sacrifice on
the question of departure was repeated as many as three times, the victims were
persistently unfavourable. Thereat the soldiers were in high dudgeon, for the
provisions they had brought with them had reached the lowest ebb, and there was
no market to be had.

Consequently there was another meeting, and Xenophon spoke again: “Men,” said
he, “the victims are, as you may see for yourselves, not yet favourable to the
march; but meanwhile, I can see for myself that you are in need of provisions;
accordingly we must narrow the sacrifice to the particular point.” Some one got
up and said: “Naturally enough the victims are unfavourable, for, as I learnt
from some one on a vessel which arrived here yesterday by accident, Cleander,
the governor at Byzantium, intends coming here with ships and men-of-war.” Thereat
they were all in favour of stopping; but they must needs go out for provisions,
and with this object he again sacrificed three times, and the victims remained
adverse. Things had now reached such a pass that the men actually came to Xenophon’s
tent to proclaim that they had no provisions. His sole answer was that he would
not lead them out till the victims were favourable.

So again the next day he sacrificed; and nearly the whole army, so strong was
the general anxiety, flocked round the victims; and now the very victims themselves
failed. So the generals, instead of leading out the army, called the men together.
Xenophon, as was incumbent on him, spoke: “It is quite possible that the enemy
are collected in a body, and we shall have to fight. If we were to leave our baggage
in the strong place” (pointing overhead) “and sally forth prepared for battle,
the victims might favour us.” But the soldiers, on hearing 22 this proposal, cried
out, “No need to take us inside that place; better sacrifice with all speed.”
Now sheep there were none any longer. So they purchased oxen from under a wagon
and sacrificed; and Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to superintend the sacrifice
on his behalf, in case there might be some change now. But even so there was no
improvement.

Now Neon was general in place of Cheirisophus, and seeing the men suffering
so cruelly from want, he was willing to do them a good turn. So he got hold of
some Heracleot or other who said he knew of villages close by from which they
could get provisions, and proclaimed by herald: “If any one liked to come out
and get provisions, be it known that he, Neon, would be their leader.” So out
came the men with spears, and wine skins and sacks and other vessels–two thousand
strong in all. But when they had reached the villages and began to scatter for
the purpose of foraging, Pharnabazus’s cavalry were the first to fall upon them.
They had come to the aid of the Bithynians, wishing, if possible, in conjunction
with the latter, to hinder the Hellenes from entering Phrygia. These troopers
killed no less than five hundred of the men; the rest fled for the lives up into
the hill country.

News of the catastrophe was presently brought into camp by one of those who
had escaped, and Xenophon, seeing that the victims had not been favourable on
that day, took a wagon bullock, in the absence of other sacrificial beasts, offered
it up, and started for the rescue, he and the rest under thirty years of age to
the last man. Thus they picked up the remnant of Neon’s party and returned to
camp. It was now about sunset; and the Hellenes in deep despondency were making
their evening meal, when all of a sudden, through bush and brake, a party of Bithynians
fell upon the pickets, cutting down some and chasing the rest into camp. In the
midst of screams and shouts the Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all; yet to
pursue or move the camp in the night seemed hardly safe, for the ground was thickly
grown with bush; all they could do was to strengthen the outposts and keep watch
under arms the livelong night.

V

And so they spent the night, but with day-dawn the generals led the 1 way into
the natural fastness, and the others picked up their arms and baggage and followed
the lead. Before the breakfast-hour arrived, they had fenced off with a ditch
the only side on which lay ingress into the place, and had palisaded off the whole,
leaving only three gates. Anon a ship from Heraclea arrived bringing barleymeal,
victim animals, and wine.

Xenophon was up betimes, and made the usual offering before starting on an
expedition, and at the first victim the sacrifice was favourable. Just as the
sacrifice ended, the seer, Arexion the Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle, which
boded well, and bade Xenophon lead on. So they crossed the trench and grounded
arms. Then proclamation was made by herald for the soldiers to breakfast and start
on an expedition under arms; the mob of sutlers and the captured slaves would
be left in camp. Accordingly the mass of the troops set out. Neon alone remained;
for it seemed best to leave that general and his men to guard the contents of
the camp. But when the officers and soldiers had left them in the lurch, they
were so ashamed to stop in camp while the rest marched out, that they too set
out, leaving only those above five-and-forty years of age.

These then stayed, while the rest set out on the march. Before they had gone
two miles, they stumbled upon dead bodies, and when they had brought up the rear
of the column in a line with the first bodies to be seen, they began digging graves
and burying all included in the column from end to end. After burying the first
batch, they advanced, and again bringing the rear even with the first unburied
bodies which appeared, they buried in the same way all which the line of troops
included. Finally, reaching the road that led out of the villages where the bodies
lay thick together, they collected them and laid them in a common grave.

It was now about midday, when pushing forward the troops up to the villages
without entering them, they proceeded to seize prvoisions, laying hands on everything
they could set eyes on under cover of their 7 lines; when suddenly they caught
sight of the enemy cresting certain hillocks in front of them, duly marshalled
in line–a large body of cavalry and infantry. It was Spithridates and Rhathines,
sent by Pharnabazus with their forec at their backs. As soon as the enemy caught
sight of the Hellenes, they stood still, about two miles distant. Then Arexion
the seer sacrificed, and at the first essay the victims were favourable. Whereupon
Xenophon addressed the other generals: “I would advise, sirs, that we should detach
one or more flying columns to support our main attack, so that in case of need
at any point we may have reserves in readiness to assist our main body, and the
enemy, in the confusion of battle, may find himself attacking the unbroken lines
of troops not hitherto engaged.” These views approved themselves to all. “Do you
then,” said he, “lead on the vanguard straight at the enemy. Do not let us stand
parleying here, now that we have caught sight of him and he of us. I will detach
the hindmost companies in the way we have decided upon and follow you.” After
that they quietly advanced, and he, withdrawing the rear-rank companies in three
brigades consisting of a couple of hundred men apiece, commissioned the first
on the right to follow the main body at the distance of a hundred feet. Samolas
the Achaean was in command of this brigade. The duty of the second, under the
command of Pyrrhias the Arcadian, was to follow in the centre. The last was posted
on the left, with Phrasias, an Athenian, in command. As they advanced, the vanguard
reached a large and difficult woody glen, and halted, not knowing whether the
obstacle needed to be crossed or not. They passed down the word for the generals
and officers to come forward to the front. Xenophon, wondering what it was that
stopped the march, and presently hearing the above order passed along the ranks,
rode up with all speed. As soon as they were met, Sophaenetus, as the eldest general,
stated his opinion that the question, whether a gully of that kind ought to be
crossed or not, was not worth discussing. Xenophon, with some ardour, retorted:
“You know, sirs, I have not been in the habit hitherto of introducing you to danger
which you might avoid. It is not your reputation for courage surely that is at
stake, but your 14 safe return home. But now the matter stands thus: It is impossible
to retire from this point without a battle; if we do not advance against the enemy
ourselves, he will follow us as soon as we have turned our backs and attack us.
Consider, then; is it better to go and meet the foe with arms advanced, or with
arms reversed to watch him as he assails us on our rear? You know this at any
rate, that to retire before an enemy has nothing glorious about it, whereas attack
engenders courage even in a coward. For my part, I would rather at any time attack
with half my men than retreat with twice the number. As to these fellows, if we
attack them, I am sure you do not really expect them to await us; though, if we
retreat, we know for certain they will be emboldened to pursue us. Nay, if the
result of crossing is to place a difficult gully behind us when we are on the
point of engaging, surely that is an advantage worth seizing. At least, if it
were left to me, I would choose that everything should appear smooth and passable
to the enemy, which may invite retreat; but for ourselves we may bless the ground
which teaches us that except in victory we have no deliverance. It astonishes
me that any one should deem this particular gully a whit more terrible than any
of the other barriers which we have successfully passed. How impassable was the
plain, had we failed to conquer their cavalry! how insurmountable the mountains
already traversed by us, with all their peltasts in hot pursuit at our heels!
Nay, when we have safely reached the sea, the Pontus will present a somewhat formidable
gully, when we have neither vessels to convey us away nor corn to keep us alive
whilst we stop. But we shall no sooner be there than we must be off again to get
provisions. Surely it is better to fight to-day after a good breakfast than to-morrow
on an empty stomach. Sirs, the offerings are favourable to us, the omens are propitious,
the victims more than promising; let us attack the enemy! Now that they have had
a good look at us, these fellows must not be allowed to enjoy their dinners or
choose a camp at their own sweet will.”

After that the officers bade him lead on. None gainsaid, and he led the way.
His orders were to cross the gully, where each man chanced to 22 find himself.
By this method, as it seemed to him, the troops would more quickly mass themselves
on the far side than was possible, if they defiled along[1] the bridge which spanned
the gully. But once across he passed along the line and addressed the troops:
“Sirs, call to mind what by help of the gods you have already done. Bethink you
of the battles you have won at close quarters with the foe; of the fate which
awaits those who flee before their foes. Forget not that we stand at the very
doors of Hellas. Follow in the steps of Heracles, our guide, and cheer each the
other onwards by name. Sweet were it surely by some brave and noble word or deed,
spoken or done this day, to leave the memory of oneself in the hearts of those
one loves.”

[1] Lit. “had they wound off thread by thread”; the metaphor is from unwinding
a ball of wool.

These words were spoken as he rode past, and simultaneously he began leading
on the troops in battle line; and, placing the peltasts on either flank of the
main body, they moved against the enemy. Along the line the order had sped “to
keep their spears at rest on the right shoulder until the bugle signal; then lower
them for the charge, slow march, and even pace, no one to quicken into a run.”
Lastly, the watchword was passed, “Zeus the Saviour, Heracles our Guide.” The
enemy waited their approach, confident in the excellence of his position; but
as they drew closer the Hellene light troops, with a loud alala! without waiting
for the order, dashed against the foe. The latter, on their side, came forward
eagerly to meet the charge, both the cavalry and the mass of the Bithynians; and
these turned the peltasts. But when with counter-wave the phalanx of the heavy
infantry rapidly advancing, faced them, and at the same time the bugle sounded,
and the battle hymn rose from all lips, and after this a loud cheer rose, and
at the same instant they couched their spears;–at this conjuncture the enemy
no longer welcomed them, but fled. Timasion with his cavalry followed close, and,
considering their scant numbers, they did great execution. It was the left wing
of the enemy, in a line with which the Hellene cavalry were posted, that was so
speedily scattered. But the right, which was not so hotly pursued, collected upon
a knoll; 28 and when the Hellenes saw them standing firm, it seemed the easiest
and least dangerous course to go against them at once. Raising the battle hymn,
they straightway fell upon them, but the others did not await their coming. Thereupon
the peltasts gave chase until the right of the enemy was in its turn scattered,
though with slight loss in killed; for the enemy’s cavalry was numerous and threatening.

But when the Hellenes saw the cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in compact
order, and the Bithynian horsemen massing together as if to join it, and like
spectators gazing down from a knoll at the occurrences below; though weary, they
determined to attack the enemy as best they could, and not suffer him to recover
breath with reviving courage. So they formed in compact line and advanced. Thereupon
the hostile cavalry turned and fled down the steep as swiftly as if they had been
pursued by cavalry. In fact they sought the shelter of a gully, the existence
of which was unknown to the Hellenes. The latter accordingly turned aside too
soon and gave up the chase, for it was too late. Returning to the point where
the first encounter took place they erected a trophy, and went back to the sea
about sunset. It was something like seven miles to camp.

VI

After this the enemy confined themselves to their own concerns, and 1 removed
their households and property as far away as possible. The Hellenes, on their
side, were still awaiting the arrival of Cleander with the ships of war and transports,
which ought to be there soon. So each day they went out with the baggage animals
and slaves and fearlessly brought in wheat and barley, wine and vegetables, millet
and figs; since the district produced all good things, the olive alone excepted.
When the army stayed in camp to rest, pillaging parties were allowed to go out,
and those who went out appropriated the spoils; but when the whole army went out,
if any one went off apart and seized 2 anything, it was voted to be public property.
Ere long there was an ample abundance of supplies of all sorts, for marketables
arrived from Hellenic cities on all sides, and marts were established. Mariners
coasting by, and hearing that a city was being founded and that there was a harbour,
were glad to put in. Even the hostile tribes dwelling in the neighbourhood presently
began to send envoys to Xenophon. It was he who was forming the place into a city,
as they understood, and they would be glad to learn on what terms they might secure
his friendship. He made a point of introducing these visitors to the soldiers.

Meanwhile Cleander arrived with two ships of war, but not a single transport.
At the moment of his arrival, as it happened, the army had taken the field, and
a separate party had gone off on a pillaging expedition into the hills and had
captured a number of small cattle. In thir apprehension of being deprived of them,
these same people spoke to Dexippus (this was the same man who had made off from
Trapezus with the fifty-oared galley), and urged him to save their sheep for them.
“Take some for yourself,” said they, “and give the rest back to us.” So, without
more ado, he drove off the soldiers standing near, who kept repeating that the
spoil was public property. Then off he went to Cleander. “Here is an attempt,”
said he, “at robbery.” Cleander bade him to bring up the culprit to him. Dexippus
seized on some one, and was for haling him to the Spartan governor. Just then
Agasias came across him and rescued the man, who was a member of his company;
and the rest of the soldiers present set to work to stone Dexippus, calling him
“traitor.” Things looked so ill that a number of the crew of the ships of war
took fright and fled to the sea, and with the rest Cleander himself. Xenophon
and the other generals tried to hold the men back, assuring Cleander that the
affair signified nothing at all, and that the origin of it was a decree pased
by the army. That was to blame, if anything. But Cleander, goaded by Dexippus,
and personally annoyed at the fright which he had experienced, threatened to sail
away and publish an interdict against them, forbidding any city to receive them,
as being public enemies. 9 For at this date the Lacedaemonians held sway over
the whole Hellenic world.

Thereat the affair began to wear an ugly look, and the Hellenes begged and
implored Cleander to reconsider his intention. He replied that he would be as
good as his word, and that nothing should stop him, unless the man who set the
example of stoning, with the other who rescued the prisoner, were given up to
him. Now, one of the two whose persons were thus demanded–Agasias–had been a
friend to Xenophon throughout; and that was just why Dexippus was all the more
anxious to accuse him. In their perplexity the generals summoned a full meeting
of the soldiers, and some speakers were disposed to make very light of Cleander
and set him at naught. But Xenophon took a more serious view of the matter; he
rose and addressed the meeting thus: “Soldiers, I cannot say that I feel disposed
to make light of this business, if Cleander be allowed to go away, as he threatens
to do, in his present temper towards us. There are Hellenic cities close by; but
then the Lacedaemonians are the lords of Hellas, and they can, any one of them,
carry out whatever they like in the cities. If then the first thing this Lacedaemonian
does is to close the gates of Byzantium, and next to pass an order to the other
governors, city by city, not to receive us because we are a set of lawless ruffians
disloyal to the Lacedaemonians; and if, further, this report of us should reach
the ears of their admiral, Anaxibius, to stay or to sail away will alike be difficult.
Remember, the Lacedaemonians at the present time are lords alike on land and on
sea. For the sake then of a single man, or for two men’s sake, it is not right
that the rest of us should be debarred from Hellas; but whatever they enjoin we
must obey. Do not the cities which gave us birth yield them obedience also? For
my own part, inasmuch as Dexippus, I believe, keeps telling Cleander that Agasias
would never have done this had not I, Xenophon, bidden him, I absolve you of all
complicity, and Agasias too, if Agasias himself states that I am in any way a
prime mover in this matter. If I have set the fashion of stone-throwing or any
other sort of violence I condemn myself–I say that I deserve the extreme penalty,
and I will submit to undergo it. I 15 further say that if any one else is accused,
that man is bound to surrender himself to Cleander for judgement, for by this
means you will be absolved entirely from the accusation. But as the matter now
stands, it is cruel that just when we were aspiring to win praise and honour throughout
Hellas, we are destined to sink below the level of the rest of the world, banned
from the Hellenic cities whose common name we boast.”

After him Agasias got up, and said, “I swear to you, sirs, by the gods and
goddesses, verily and indeed, neither Xenophon nor any one else among you bade
me rescue the man. I saw an honest man–one of my own company–being taken up
by Dexippus, the man who betrayed you, as you know full well. That I could not
endure; I rescued him, I admit the fact. Do not you deliver me up. I will surrender
myself, as Xenophon suggests, to Cleander to pass what verdict on me he thinks
right. Do not, for the sake of such a matter, make foes of the Lacedaemonians;
rather God grant that[1] each of you may safely reach the goal of his desire.
Only do you choose from among yourselves and send with me to Cleander those who,
in case of any omission on my part, may by their words and acts supply what is
lacking.” Thereupon the army granted him to choose for himself whom he would have
go with him and to go; and he at once chose the generals. After this they all
set off to Cleander–Agasias and the generals and the man who had been rescued
by Agasias–and the generals spoke as follows: “The army has sent us to you, Cleander,
and this is their bidding: ‘If you have fault to find with all, they say, you
ought to pass sentence on all, and do with them what seems best; or if the charge
is against one man or two, or possibly several, what they expect of these people
is to surrender themselves to you for judgement.’ Accordingly, if you lay anything
to the charge of us generals, here we stand at your bar. Or do you impute the
fault to some one not here? tell us whom. Short of flying in the face of our authority,
there is no one who will absent himself.”

[1] Reading with the best MSS., {sozoisthe}. Agasias ends his sentence with
a prayer. Al. {sozesthe}, “act so that each,” etc.

At this point Agasias stepped forward and said: “It was I, Cleander, 21 who
rescued the man before you yonder from Dexippus, when the latter was carrying
him off, and it was I who gave the order to strike Dexippus. My plea is that I
know the prisoner to be an honest man. As to Dexippus, I know that he was chosen
by the army to command a fifty-oared galley, which we had obtained by request
from the men of Trapezus for the express purpose of collecting vessels to carry
us safely home. But this same Dexippus betrayed his fellow-soldiers, with whom
he had been delivered from so many perils, and made off into hiding like a runaway
slave, whereby we have robbed the Trapezuntines of their frigate, and must needs
appear as knaves in their eyes for this man’s sake. As to ourselves, as far as
he could, he has ruined us; for, like the rest of us, he had heard how all but
impossible it was for us to retreat by foot across the rivers and to reach Hellas
in safety. That is the stamp of man whom I robbed of his prey. Now, had it been
you yourself who carried him off, or one of your emissaries, or indeed any one
short of a runaway from ourselves, be sure that I should have acted far otherwise.
Be assured that if you put me to death at this time you are sacrificing a good,
honest man for the sake of a coward and a scamp.”

When he had listened to these remarks, Cleander replied that if such had been
the conduct of Dexippus, he could not congratulate him. “But still,” he added,
turning to the generals, “were Dexippus ever so great a scamp he ought not to
suffer violence; but in the language of your own demand he was entitled to a fair
trial, and so to obtain his deserts. What I have to say at present therefore is:
leave your friend here and go your way, and when I give the order be present at
the trial. I have no further charge against the army or any one, since the prisoner
himself admits that he rescued the man.” Then the man who had been rescued said:
“In behalf of myself, Cleander, if possibly you think that I was being taken up
for some misdeed, it is not so; I neither struck nor shot; I merely said, ‘The
sheep are public property;’ for it was a resolution of the soldiers that whenever
the army went out as a body any booty privately obtained was to be public property.
That was all I said, and thereupon yonder fellow seized me 28 and began dragging
me off. He wanted to stop our mouths, so that he might have a share of the things
himself, and keep the rest for these buccaneers, contrary to the ordinance.” In
answer to that Cleander said: “Very well, if that is your disposition you can
stay behind too, and we will take your case into consideration also.”

Thereupon Cleander and his party proceeded to breakfast; but Xenophon collected
the army in assembly, and advised their sending a deputation to Cleander to intercede
in behalf of the men. Accordingly it was resolved to send some generals and officers
with Dracontius the Spartan, and of the rest those who seemed best fitted to go.
The deputation was to request Cleander by all means to release the two men. Accordingly
Xenophon came and addressed him thus: “Cleander, you have the men; the army has
bowed to you and assented to do what you wished with respect to these two members
of their body and themselves in general. But now they beg and pray you to give
up these two men, and not to put them to death. Many a good service have these
two wrought for our army in past days. Let them but obtain this from you, and
in return the army promises that, if you will put yourself at their head and the
gracious gods approve, they will show you how orderly they are, how apt to obey
their general, and, with heaven’s help, to face their foes unflinchingly. They
make this further request to you, that you will present yourself and take command
of them and make trial of them. ‘Test us ourselves,’ they say, ‘and test Dexippus,
what each of us is like, and afterwards assign to each his due.'” When Cleander
heard these things, he answered: “Nay, by the twin gods, I will answer you quickly
enough. Here I make you a present of the two men, and I will as you say present
myself, and then, if the gods vouchsafe, I will put myself at your head and lead
you into Hellas. Very different is your language from the tale I used to hear
concerning you from certain people, that you wanted to withdraw the army from
allegiance to the Lacedaemonians.”

After this the deputation thanked him and retired, taking with them the two
men; then Cleander sacrificed as a preliminary to marching and consorted friendlily
with Xenophon, and the two struck up an alliance. 35 When the Spartan saw with
what good discipline the men carried out their orders, he was still more anxious
to become their leader. However, in spite of sacrifices repeated on three successive
days, the victims steadily remained unfavourable. So he summoned the generals
and said to them: “The victims smile not on me, they suffer me not to lead you
home; but be not out of heart at that. To you it is given, as it would appear,
to bring your men safe home. Forwards then, and for our part, whenever you come
yonder, we will bestow on you as warm a welcome as we may.”

Then the soldiers resolved to make him a present of the public cattle, which
he accepted, but again gave back to them. So he sailed away; but the soldiers
made division of the corn which they had collected and of the other captured property,
and commenced their homeward march through the territory of the Bithynians.

At first they confined themselves to the main road; but not chancing upon anything
whereby they might reach a friendly territory with something in their pockets
for themselves, they resolved to turn sharp round, and marched for one day and
night in the opposite direction. By this proceeding they captured many slaves
and much small cattle; and on the sixth day reached Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia[2].
Here they halted seven days while they disposed of their booty by sale.

[2] The name should be written “Calchedonia.” The false form drove out the
more correct, probably through a mispronunciation, based on a wrong derivation,
at some date long ago. The sites of Chrysopolis and Calchedon correspond respectively
to the modern Scutari and Kadikoi.