The Works of Tacitus
tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb
[1864-1877]
Tacitus: History Book 1 [20]
20. Next came the question of money. On a general inquiry it seemed the fairest
course to demand restitution from those who had caused the public poverty. Nero
had squandered in presents two thousand two hundred million sesterces. It was
ordered that each recipient should be sued, but should be permitted to retain
a tenth part of the bounty. They had however barely a tenth part left, having
wasted the property of others in the same extravagances in which they had squandered
their own, till the most rapacious and profligate among them had neither capital
nor land remaining, nothing in fact but the appliances of their vices. Thirty
Roman Knights were appointed to conduct the process of recovery, a novel office,
and made burdensome by the number and intriguing practices of those with whom
it had to deal. Everywhere were sales and brokers, and Rome was in an uproar
with auctions. Yet great was the joy to think that the men whom Nero had enriched
would be as poor as those whom he had robbed. About this time were cashiered
two tribunes of the Praetorian Guard, Antonius Taurus and Antonius Naso, an
officer of the City cohorts, Aemilius Pacensis, and one of the watch, Julius
Fronto. This led to no amendment with the rest, but only started the apprehension,
that a crafty and timid policy was getting rid of individuals, while all were
suspected.
21. Otho, meanwhile, who had nothing to hope while the State was tranquil,
and whose whole plans depended on revolution, was being roused to action by
a combination of many motives, by a luxury that would have embarrassed even
an emperor, by a poverty that a subject could hardly endure, by his rage against
Galba, by his envy of Piso. He even pretended to fear to make himself keener
in desire. “I was, said he, “too formidable to Nero, and I must not look for
another Lusitania, another honourable exile. Rulers always suspect and hate
the man who has been named for the succession. This has injured me with the
aged Emperor, and will injure me yet more with a young man whose temper, naturally
savage, has been rendered ferocious by prolonged exile. How easy to put Otho
to death! I must therefore do and dare now while Galba’s authority is still
unsettled, and before that of Piso is consolidated. Periods of transition suit
great attempts, and delay is useless where inaction is more hurtful than temerity.
Death, which nature ordains for all alike, yet admits of the distinction of
being either forgotten, or remembered with honour by posterity; and, if the
same lot awaits the innocent and the guilty, the man of spirit will at least
deserve his fate.”
22. The soul of Otho was not effeminate like his person. His confidential
freedmen and slaves, who enjoyed a license unknown in private families, brought
the debaucheries of Nero’s court, its intrigues, its easy marriages, and the
other indulgences of despotic power, before a mind passionately fond of such
things, dwelt upon them as his if he dared to seize them, and reproached the
inaction that would leave them to others. The astrologers also urged him to
action, predicting from their observation of the heavens revolutions, and a
year of glory for Otho. This is a class of men, whom the powerful cannot trust,
and who deceive the aspiring, a class which will always be proscribed in this
country, and yet always retained. Many of these men were attached to the secret
councils of Poppaea and were the vilest tools in the employ of the imperial
household. One of them, Ptolemaeus, had attended Otho in Spain, and had there
foretold that his patron would survive Nero. Gaining credit by the result, and
arguing from his own conjectures and from the common talk of those who compared
Galba’s age with Otho’s youth, he had persuaded the latter that he would be
called to the throne. Otho however received the prediction as the words of wisdom
and the intimation of destiny, with that inclination so natural to the human
mind readily to believe in the mysterious.
23. Nor did Ptolemaeus fail to play his part; he now even prompted to crime,
to which from such wishes it is easy to pass. Whether indeed these thoughts
of crime were suddenly conceived, is doubtful. Otho had long been courting the
affections of the soldiery, either in the hope of succeeding to the throne,
or in preparation for some desperate act. On the march, on parade, and in their
quarters, he would address all the oldest soldiers by name, and in allusion
to the progresses of Nero would call them his messmates. Some he would recognise,
he would inquire after others, and would help them with his money and interest.
He would often intersperse his conversation with complaints and insinuations
against Galba and anything else that might excite the vulgar mind. Laborious
marches, a scanty commissariat, and the rigour of military discipline, were
especially distasteful, when men, accustomed to sail to the lakes of Campania
and the cities of Greece, had painfully to struggle under the weight of their
arms over the Pyrenees, the Alps, and vast distances of road.
24. The minds of the soldiery were already on fire, when Maevius Pudens,
a near relative of Tigellinus, added, so to speak, fuel to the flames. In his
endeavour to win over all who were particularly weak in character, or who wanted
money and were ready to plunge into revolution, he gradually went so far as
to distribute, whenever Galba dined with Otho, one hundred sesterces to each
soldier of the cohort on duty, under pretext of treating them. This, which we
may almost call a public bounty, Otho followed up by presents more privately
bestowed on individuals; nay he bribed with such spirit, that, finding there
was a dispute between Cocceius Proculus, a soldier of the bodyguard, and one
of his neighbours, about some part of their boundaries, he purchased with his
own money the neighbour’s entire estate, and made a present of it to the soldier.
He took advantage of the lazy indifference of the Prefect, who overlooked alike
notorious facts and secret practices.
25. He then entrusted the conduct of his meditated treason to Onomastus,
one of his freedmen, who brought over to his views Barbius Proculus, officer
of the watchword to the bodyguard, and Veturius, a deputy centurion in the same
force. Having assured himself by various conversations with these men that they
were cunning and bold, he loaded them with presents and promises, and furnished
them with money with which to tempt the cupidity of others. Thus two soldiers
from the ranks undertook to transfer the Empire of Rome, and actually transferred
it. Only a few were admitted to be accomplices in the plot, but they worked
by various devices on the wavering minds of the remainder; on the more distinguished
soldiers, by hinting that the favours of Nymphidius had subjected them to suspicion;
on the vulgar herd, by the anger and despair with which the repeated postponement
of the donative had inspired them. Some were fired by their recollections of
Nero and their longing regrets for their old license. All felt a common alarm
at the idea of having to serve elsewhere.
26. The contagion spread to the legions and the auxiliary troops, already
excited by the news of the wavering loyalty of the army of Germany. So ripe
were the disaffected for mutiny and so close the secrecy preserved by the loyal,
that they would actually have seized Otho on the 14th of January, as he was
returning from dinner, had they not been deterred by the risks of darkness,
the inconvenient dispersion of the troops over the whole city, and the difficulty
of concerted action among a half-intoxicated crowd. It was no care for the state,
which they deliberately meditated polluting with the blood of their Emperor;
it was a fear lest in the darkness of night any one who presented himself to
the soldiers of the Pannonian or German army might be fixed on instead of Otho,
whom few of them knew. Many symptoms of the approaching outburst were repressed
by those who were in the secret. Some hints, which had reached Galba’s ears,
were turned into ridicule by Laco the prefect, who knew nothing of the temper
of the soldiery, and who, inimical to all measures, however excellent, which
he did not originate, obstinately thwarted men wiser than himself.
27. On the 15th of January, as Galba was sacrificing in front of the temple
of Apollo, the Haruspex Umbricius announced to him that the entrails had a sinister
aspect, that treachery threatened him, that he had an enemy at home. Otho heard,
for he had taken his place close by, and interpreted it by contraries in a favourable
sense, as promising success to his designs. Not long after his freedman Onomastus
informed him that the architect and the contractors were waiting for him. It
had been arranged thus to indicate that the soldiers were assembling, and that
the preparations of the conspiracy were complete. To those who inquired the
reason of his departure, Otho pretended that he was purchasing certain farm-buildings,
which from their age he suspected to be unsound, and which had therefore to
be first surveyed. Leaning on his freedman’s arm, he proceeded through the palace
of Tiberius to the Velabrum, and thence to the golden milestone near the temple
of Saturn. There three and twenty soldiers of the body-guard saluted him as
Emperor, and, while he trembled at their scanty number, put him hastily into
a chair, drew their swords, and hurried him onwards. About as many more soldiers
joined them on their way, some because they were in the plot, many from mere
surprise; some shouted and brandished their swords, others proceeded in silence,
intending to let the issue determine their sentiments.
28. Julius Martialis was the tribune on guard in the camp. Appalled by the
enormity and suddenness of the crime, or perhaps fearing that the troops were
very extensively corrupted and that it would be destruction to oppose them,
he made many suspect him of complicity. The rest of the tribunes and centurions
preferred immediate safety to danger and duty. Such was the temper of men’s
minds, that, while there were few to venture on so atrocious a treason, many
wished it done, and all were ready to acquiesce.
29. Meanwhile the unconscious Galba, busy with his sacrifice, was importuning
the gods of an empire that was now another’s. A rumour reached him, that some
senator unknown was being hurried into the camp; before long it was affirmed
that this senator was Otho. At the same time came messengers from all parts
of the city, where they had chanced to meet the procession, some exaggerating
the danger, some, who could not even then forget to flatter, representing it
as less than the reality. On deliberation it was determined to sound the feeling
of the cohort on guard in the palace, but not through Galba in person, whose
authority was to be kept unimpaired to meet greater emergencies. They were accordingly
collected before the steps of the palace, and Piso addressed them as follows:-
“Comrades, this is the sixth day since I became a Caesar by adoption, not knowing
what was to happen, whether this title was to be desired, or dreaded. It rests
with you to determine what will be the result to my family and to the state.
It is not that I dread on my own account the gloomier issue; for I have known
adversity, and I am learning at this very moment that prosperity is fully as
dangerous. It is the lot of my father, of the Senate, of the Empire itself,
that I deplore, if we have either to fall this day, or to do what is equally
abhorrent to the good, to put others to death. In the late troubles we had this
consolation, a capital unstained by bloodshed, and power transferred without
strife. It was thought that by my adoption provision was made against the possibility
of war, even after Galba’s death.
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