The Alexiad, Book 5, War with the Normans (1082-1083): Alexius’ First Battle with Heretics – John Italus

The Alexiad

by

Anna Comnena (Komnene)

Edited and translated by Elizabeth A. Dawes.

London: Routledge, Kegan, Paul, 1928.

BOOK V

War with the Normans (1082-1083): Alexius’ First Battle with Heretics – John
Italus

I And meanwhile Robert, entirely freed from anxiety, collected all the booty
and the Imperial tent, and, with these trophies and with much exultation, settled
down again in the plain which he had occupied before when besieging Dyrrachium.
After a short rest he began to consider whether he ought to make another attempt
on that city’s walls, or postpone the siege to the following spring and for the
present invest Glabinitza and Joanina, and winter there, while lodging all his
troops in the sequestered vales that lie above the plain of Dyrrachium. But the
inhabitants of Dyrrachium (the majority of whom were colonists from Amalfi and
Venice, as already stated), on hearing of the Emperor’s misfortune, and the terrible
carnage, and the death of so many valiant men and the departure of the fleet and
Robert’s intention of renewing the siege in the coming spring-on hearing all this
they began individually to deliberate what action they had better take to ensure
their safety and not incur such risks again. Consequently they called an assembly
where they openly stated their private opinions and after discussing the vital
points they thought they had found the only path, as it were, out of a pathless
wood, which was to decide to listen to Robert and surrender the city to him.

One of the colonists from Amalfi still further incited them to this course,
so they allowed themselves to be persuaded by his arguments, and threw open the
gates and gave Robert entrance. After taking possession, he sent for the troops
and dividing them according to race, enquired of each soldier individually whether
he had been seriously wounded or had perhaps received a slight scratch from a
sword; at the same time he found out how many and what class of men had fallen
in the preceding battles. And, during the winter which was then close at hand,
he intended to collect a second army of mercenaries and recruit foreign troops,
and at the coming of spring to march against the Emperor with his [116] whole
army. However, Robert was not alone in formulating such plans, although he congratulated
himself on being the victor and winning the trophies, for the Emperor, worsted
and badly wounded, was scared, so to say, and much depressed by this intolerable
defeat and the loss of so many brave soldiers-but in spite of this as he never
underestimated his own powers and had not slackened in his reasoning, his whole
mind was intent on the problem of retrieving this defeat in the following spring.
Both these men were clever at foreseeing everything, and in grasping the essentials’
and there was no strategic trick unknown to them; they were conversant with every
kind of siege, ambuscade and regular battles in the open field, swift and brave
in actual fighting, and of all the leaders in the world they were the adversaries
most alike in intellect and courage. The Emperor Alexius had, however, a slight
advantage over Robert in that while younger he was no whit inferior to the other
who was already in his prime, and used to boast that he could almost make the
earth quake and throw a whole army into a panic by one single shout!

But these details can be left for a different kind of writing, and are sure
to be mentioned by encomiasts. The Emperor Alexius allowed himself a short rest
in Achrida, and after regaining his physical strength, went to Diabolis. Here
he sought as far as possible to reinvigorate the survivors from their sufferings
in the battle, and he sent for his remaining followers from all parts and told
them to assemble at Thessalonica.

Now that he had made experience of Robert and the boldness of his large army,
he condemned his own leaders for great negligence and cowardice (I will not add
the soldiers for the majority of those who had been in the battle had had neither
training nor military experience), and therefore he needed allies. But how was
he to get them without money? For there was none in the Imperial Treasury which
had been depleted so thoroughly and for no useful purpose by his predecessor,
Nicephorus Botaniates, that the gates of the treasure-house were not even locked
now, but carelessly left open for anyone who liked to walk through them; for all
its contents had been squandered. Hence the present embarrassment of the Roman
state, which was oppressed simultaneously by weakness and poverty.

At such a moment then what was the young ruler to do who had only lately put
his hand to the helm? He must either [117] in sheer desperation throw everything
overboard and resign his command, so that, being blameless, he might not be blamed
for being an inexperienced and unskilful general, or else in this extremity he
must gain as many allies as possible and collect from some quarter or other sufficient
money to pay them; he must also recall the scattered remnants of his army by offering
bribes which would raise their hopes and cause those who were with him to stand
firmly by him, and those away to become more eager to return, and then they would
be able to put up a braver resistance to the Frankish hordes. As he did not wish
to do anything unworthy of, or inconsistent with, his own military knowledge and
bravery, he focussed his attention on these two points – the first was to collect
allies from all sides, who would easily be allured by the promise of heavy largess,
and the second, to request his mother and brother to procure money somehow from
somewhere, and send it to him.

II These two could not discover any other means of procuring money, so to begin
with they collected whatever silver and gold articles they possessed and sent
them to the imperial mint ; but first of all the Empress, my mother, deposited
the sum that remained to her of her parents’ patrimony, hoping thereby to instigate
others to do the same ; for she was extremely anxious for the Emperor, seeing
the straits into which his affairs had fallen. Secondly, they took from the persons
who were well-affected towards the imperial family, and had voluntarily offered
to advance money, as much gold and silver as each was ready to give, and sent
it to be used partly for allies and partly for the Emperor himself. But these
monies were far from sufficient even for the immediate need (for some of the soldiers
asked for rewards on the plea that they had fought on the Emperor’s side, and
others who were mercenaries kept clamouring for higher pay); the Emperor urgently
pressed for more, and thought that the goodwill of the Romans had vanished. His
relatives were quite at a loss, and after discussing many schemes in public and
in private, when they heard that Robert was again preparing for war, they turned
in their despair to an examination of the ancient laws and canons dealing with
the sale of Church property. And amongst them they found that it was lawful to
sell the sacred properties of the churches for the ransoming of prisoners of war
(for it was well known that the Christians who remained under the domination of
the barbarians in Asia, and had [118] escaped massacre, became defiled by their
intercourse with the infidels). Therefore to furnish pay for the allies and the
soldiers, they considered turning into coin a few church properties which served
no purpose and were amongst those which had long been lying idle and neglected,
and only afforded the populace an excuse for sacrilege and impiety. When they
had come to this conclusion, the Sebastocrator Isaac went up to the great House
of God where he had convoked an assembly of all the clergy. The members of the
Holy Synod who were f ellow-councillors with the Patriarch were astounded at seeing
him and asked him what brought him there. He replied, ” I have come to speak to
you of a matter which will be of service in this terrible crisis, and will be
the means of maintaining the army.” Thereupon he began reciting the Canons about
” superfluous Church vessels ” and after saying a good deal about them, he concluded
with the words, ” I am compelled to compel those whom I do not wish to compel.”
And by putting forward various bold arguments he seemed likely to win over the
majority. But Metaxas opposed him, advanced some very specious counter-arguments
and even jeered at Isaac himself. But in spite of him, Isaac’s proposal was carried.
This decision became the subject of a very grave scandal to the Emperors (for
I do not hesitate to call Isaac ” emperor ” even though he did not wear the purple),
which lasted not only for the moment but for a considerable time. The head of
the church of Chalcedon at this time was a certain Leo, not one of the especially
wise or intellectual, but of very virtuous life, though his manners were rough
and disagreeable. This man tore off the silver and gold ornaments on the doors
of the church in Chalcoprateia, and rushed into the assembly and spoke his mind
freely without so much as a reference to the financial condition or the extant
laws regarding Church property. Moreover he behaved very insolently, and in a
most disorderly manner, to the Regent, and each time he visited the capital he
abused the latter’s forbearance and kindness. And indeed when Alexius left the
city the first time to march against Robert, and the Sebastocrator Isaac, his
own true brother, was collecting money from every possible source, but always
with the consent of the people and in accordance with the laws and justice, Leo
aroused Isaac’s wrath by his shameless behaviour. At last after many defeats and
then after countless successful encounters with the Franks, the Emperor, by the
sanction of Heaven, returned a crowned victor, and then he learnt that a fresh
swarm of [119] enemies, I mean the Scythians, were ready to descend upon him.
Consequently the raising of funds was hurried on for similar reasons as before,
even while the Emperor was residing in the capital, and at that time Bishop Leo
attacked the Emperor most impudently. About this time a great controversy arose
about the holy images, and Leo laid down the principle that we should adore the
sacred images, and not only give them relative honour. On some points he argued
reasonably and in a manner befitting his station, but on others he laid down the
law wrongly, whether this was to be attributed to the heat of contest and his
hatred of the Emperor, or to ignorance, I cannot say. He was incapable of making
a precise statement with conviction as he was absolutely untrained in the science
of reasoning. By the advice of malicious persons of whom there were a number in
the Government then, he grew still bolder towards the Emperors and egged on by
his friends he even resorted to insults and untimely blasphemies. The Emperor
besought him to change his opinion about the images and also to desist from the
enmity towards him, he also promised to restore even finer vessels to the churches
and to do all that was necessary to repair the loss. The Emperor himself was already
acquitted of blame by the more liberal-minded of the senate whom the partisans
of the Chalcedonian called “flatterers.” As a result of this behaviour, Leo was
condemned to deposition from office.

As he did not knuckle under and did not keep quiet at all, but again disturbed
the Church meeting, coming with a considerable crowd of followers, for he was
absolutely irreconcilable and incorrigible, he was condemned by a unanimous vote
after the lapse of some years and a sentenced exile was pronounced against him.
The city of Sozopolis on the Black Sea received him and treated him with much
care and consideration by order of the Emperor, none of which he accepted because
of his grudge against the latter, I suppose.

This account of him must suffice.

III When it became known that the Emperor had escaped from the battle, recruits
in large numbers flocked to him, and these he had carefully trained to ride very
securely, to shoot very accurately, to fight in full armour and to lay ambuscades
cleverly. He had also sent ambassadors again to the King of Alamania, of these
Methymnes was the leader, and in his letter he urged him not to delay any longer,
but to take the troops he had at hand, and occupy Lombardy with all haste, according
to his promise. In this way Robert [120] would be fully occupied and he himself
would gain a respite during which he could reassemble his army and collect foreign
troops and by their help drive Robert out of Illyria. He assured the King of Alamania
that he would be deeply indebted to him if he would do this, and promised him
that he would fulfil the marriage-contract which he had proposed through his ambassadors.

After arranging these matters he left Pacurianus, the Great Domestic in those
parts, and himself returned to the capital, for the purpose of collecting foreign
troops from all sides, and to arrange other matters connected with the times and
the actual circumstances. Now the Manichaeans, Xantas and Culeon, with the men
under them who totalled about two thousand five hundred, went off home unceremoniously,
and when invited several times by the Emperor to return, they did indeed promise
to come, but kept postponing their coming. But he persisted and made them written
promises of gifts and honours, but even so they did not return. Whilst the Emperor
was engaged in these preparations for an advance against Robert, a messenger came
to tell Robert that the King of Alamania had all but arrived in Lombardy. Then
Robert was in a dilemma and deliberated what would be the best thing to do. After
much reflection, as he had left Roger to be ruler over his Kingdom when he crossed
to Illyria, but had not yet assigned any territory to his younger son, Bohemund,
he assembled all the Counts and picked men among the soldiers, and summoning also
his son, Bohemund, nicknamed Saniscus, he made a public harangue and said, ” You
know, Counts, that when I settled to cross to Illyria I appointed my beloved first-begotten
son Roger, ruler of my country. For I could not have started from there and undertaken
a task of great magnitude if I had left my own country without a leader, a ready
prize at the mercy of the first comer. But now that the King of Alamania has entered
it with hostile intent, it is my duty to defend it as far as in me lies. For certainly
the man who attacks the possessions of others, must not in any way be careless
of his own. Consequently it is necessary for me to leave you, in order to look
after my own country, and engage in battle with the King of Alamania. Therefore
to Uds, my younger son, I hand over Dyrrachium, Valona and all the remaining towns
and islands which I have won by my sword since my arrival. And I commend him to
you and ask you to regard him as my substitute and to fight for him with all your
heart and mind.” [121] Then addressing himself to Bohemund, he said, ” And you,
my very dear son, I enjoin you to treat the Counts with all honour and ask their
advice on all occasions and not to ‘play the master’ by yourself, but to communicate
everything to them. Above all, take care not to neglect the continuance of the
war against the Roman Emperor, but see that you do not relax at all now that he
has suffered a severe defeat and all but fallen a victim to the sword, and the
greater part of I-Lis army has been wiped out in the
battle. (And truth to tell, “he continued, “he came near being captured alive
and only escaped from our hands after being terribly wounded). Therefore take
care lest by gaining a respite he should recover and resist you more bravely than
before. For he is not one of the common herd, but has been nurtured from childhood
on wars and battles, he has travelled over the whole of the East and the West,
and how many rebels he hunted down and brought back captive to the preceding emperors,
you can learn yourself from many informants. Therefore if you lose heart at all
and do not march against him with firm resolve you will lose all that I personally
have won by great effort, and you yourself will undoubtedly reap the fruits of
your own laziness. And now I am leaving immediately to drive the King of Alamania
out of our country and thus firmly establish my son Roger in the dominion I gave
him.” After thus bidding his son farewell, Robert embarked on board a monoreme
and reached the opposite coast of Lombardy, and from there hurried on to Salernum,
which had formerly been appointed the residence for those who attained ducal rank.
He stayed there until he had collected a large force and as many mercenary troops
from surrounding countries as possible. Meanwhile the King of Alamania in accordance
with his promise to the Emperor, was already hastening to take possession of Lombardy.
Robert on hearing this news hurried to Rome to join his army with the Pope’s and
to deter the King of Alamania from carrying out his intention. As the Pope was
not at all unwilling, they both set out against the King. He for his part was
on his way to invest Lombardy when he heard the whole story about the Emperor-namely,
that he had suffered a heavy defeat, that part of his army had been butchered
and the rest scattered abroad, that the Emperor himself after surviving many dangers
had been seriously wounded in several parts of his body whilst fighting magnificently,
but had made a marvellous escape owing to his boldness and [122] courage. On receipt
of these tidings the King turned his horse and rode back to his native land, considering
this a victory in that he had not exposed himself to danger uselessly. So this
man took the homeward road; and Robert, when he had reached the King’s encampment,
did not trouble to pursue him himself but separated a large detachment from his
troops and sent it in pursuit of the King of Alamania. He himself gathered up
all the booty and made his way to Rome with the Pope. After establishing the latter
firmly on his throne and in return being nominated King by him, he returned to
Salernum there to repose himself from the many fatigues of war.

IV Shortly afterwards Bohemund came to him, bearing witness on his face of
the defeat he bad sustained. We will now relate how f ate had dealt him this blow.
The young man, mindful of his father’s counsels and being moreover naturally fond
of war and of confronting dangers, steadily pursued the war with the Emperor.
Taking his own soldiers with him and accompanied by all the picked men of the
Romans and by the chiefs of the districts and towns which had been subdued by
Robert (for these threw themselves heart and soul into Bohemund’s cause once they
had given up the Emperor’s case as hopeless), he marched through Bagenetia to
Joanina. Here he first drew trenches in the vineyards outside the town and disposed
all his troops in convenient positions, and then set up his own tent inside the
town. He made a survey of the walls and recognising that the citadel was in a
dangerous condition, he not only hastened to restore it as far as was possible,
but he even built a second very strong one in another part of the walls where
he thought it would be of more use; he also sent out raiding parties to plunder
the surrounding country and towns. Thereupon the Emperor without the slightest
delay, collected all his troops, and hurriedly left Constantinople in the month
of May. When he arrived at Joanina, it was the right season for fighting. As he
recognized that his own armies were but a fraction of Bohemund’s forces and knew
besides from his previous battles with Robert that the first onset of the Frankish
cavalry upon their opponents was quite irresistible, he judged it would be best
to have an attack by missiles made first upon the enemy by a small picked body
of peltasts. By this means he would gain some idea of how much military experience
Bohemund possessed, and by several partial attacks he would be able to form some
opinion of the general [123] state of affairs, and then, with the knowledge he
had gained, engage in battle against the Franks with greater confidence. The two
armies were burning with impatience to attack each other. But the Emperor dreading
the irresistible first shock of the Latin cavalry hit upon a new device. He had
wagons built, smaller and lighter than the ordinary ones, and four poles fixed
to each, in these he placed heavy infantry so that when the Latins came dashing
down at full gallop upon the Roman phalanx, the heavy-armed infantry should push
the wagons forward and thus break the Latins’ line.

When the hour of battle approached and the sun had already risen in its brilliance
above the horizon, the Emperor drew up his regiments in order of battle and himself
took the command of the centre. As soon as the engagement began, Bohemund shewed
that he was not unprepared for the Emperor’s scheme, but, as if he had foreknowledge
of it, he adapted himself to this happening, for he divided his own troops into
two divisions, avoided the waggons and attacked the Roman ranks on either flank.
Then lines were confounded with lines and men fought men, face to face. After
many had fallen on either side in the fierce fight, Bohemund certainly carried
off the victory. The Emperor for his part stood like an unshaken tower with darts
thrown at him from before and behind, for at one minute he would ride against
the advancing Franks, engage in close fights with a few, giving and receiving
blows and killing, and at another minute he would be shouting to, and rallying,
the fugitives. Finally, however, when he saw his ranks split up into numerous
portions, he deemed it wise to seek safety for himself too, not, as some might
say, to save himself, nor was he shaken by cowardice, but in order that he might
make a second, braver resistance to the valiant Franks, if only he could escape
the immediate danger and rally his powers. As he was fleeing from the enemy with
a few companions, he f ell in with some Franks and again shewed himself the imperturbable
general. For after exhorting his companions, he rode down upon the enemy impetuously
as if determined either to die that day, or carry off the victory by force; with
his own hand he struck and killed one of the Franks, and the followers of Ares
with him wounded many and routed the rest. In this way he escaped from immeasurably
great dangers, and once again reached safety by passing through the Swamps to
Achrida. There he stayed and after recalling a fair number of the fugitives to
his standard, he left them all in those parts with the Great Domestic and [124]
himself went to the Bardares. But not for the sake of rest, for unlike other royalties
he did not allow himself imperial ease and repose. There he assembled his regiments
and mercenaries again and started on his march against Bohemund, with a new device
in his head for overcoming the Franks. For he prepared iron caltrops, and on the
eve of the day on which he expected a battle, he had them spread over the intermediate
part of the plain, where he guessed the Frankish cavalry would make their fiercest
onslaught, thus aiming to break the first irresistible attack of the Latins by
piercing the feet of their horses. And he ordered the Roman spearsmen who held
the front line, to ride forward at a measured pace in order not to be lamed by
the caltrops, and to part to either side and then turn ; the light-armed troops
were to send a heavy shower of darts on the Franks from a distance, and the left
and right wings were to fall upon them in a vehement charge. These indeed were
my father’s plans but they did not escape Bohemund. For this is what happened:
whatever plans my father made against him in the evening, the Frank knew by the
morning. So he skilfully modified his plans in accordance with what he had been
told, and engaged in battle but did not, as was his custom, begin with a frontal
attack, but forestalling the Emperor’s intention, he raised the din of battle
on either flank, bidding the front ranks keep still for a time. Then the battle
became a hand-to-hand fight, the soldiers of the Roman army turned their backs
to the Latins and had not even the courage to look them in the face again, as
they had been thoroughly frightened beforehand by their previous defeat. Thus
the Roman lines were thrown into utter confusion, even though the Emperor remained
undaunted in hand and heart and offered brave resistance, wounding many and sometimes
too being wounded himself. But when he saw that his whole army had disappeared
and he was left with just a few, he decided not to incur danger by carrying on
a hopeless fight. For when anyone after heavy travail has no longer the strength
to make a stand against his enemies, he would be a fool if he thrust himself into
certain danger. Now after the left and right wings of the Roman phalanx had turned
to flight, the Emperor was still maintaining the combat against Bohemund’s army,
bearing the whole brunt of the battle himself. But on comprehending his unquestionable
danger, he deemed it his duty to save himself, so as to be able to fight once
again against his conqueror, and prove himself [125] a very formidable opponent
who would not allow Bohemund to reap a complete victory. For such was his character,
whether conquered or conquering, fleeing or pursuing, he never was cowed, nor
caught in the snares of despair. Moreover, he had very great faith in God and
ever had His name on his lips, though always refraining from oaths. Now being
tired out as just said, he too turned his back and was pursued by Bohemund and
a few Counts. In so doing he asked Goules (he was my father’s servant) and the
others with him, “How far shall we flee? ” With these words he turned his horse,
drew his sword and hit the foremost of his pursuers in the face. When the Franks
saw this and recognized that he was quite reckless of his own safety, and as they
knew from experience that men reduced to such a state of mind are invincible,
they were stricken with fear and ceased their pursuit. And so freed from his pursuers
he escaped danger. Even in flight he did not entirely lose heart but managed to
reassemble some of the fugitives and others he jeered at, though the majority
naturally affected not to notice it. Having in this wise escaped from peril he
re-entered the capital for the purpose of mustering new armies and again taking
the field against Bohemund.

V After Robert’s departure for Lombardy Bohemund, obedient to his father’s
behests, carried on the war against the Emperor, and continually rekindled battles
and engagements. Further, he sent Peter, the son of Aliphas, with the Count of
Pontoise to besiege various towns, with the result that Peter at once took the
two Polobi, and the aforementioned Count of Pontoise took Scopia, and on being
invited by the Achridians, he quickly reached Achrida. But after staying there
some time and accomplishing nothing, for Ariebes was guarding the citadel, he
went away to Ostrobus ; from that town too he was sent away empty-handed so passed
through Soscus and Serbia and came to Beroea. And after attacking several places
repeatedly without success, he reached Moglena via Bodina and there rebuilt a
small fort which had long lain in ruins. There he left a Count, nicknamed ” the
Saracen,” with an ample garrison and betook himself to a spot on the river Bardares
called the Asprae Ecclesiae. And whilst he was spending three months there, three
of the foremost Counts, namely the Count of Pontoise, Reboldus and a certain Gulielmus
were detected in a plot for deserting to the Emperor. The Count of Pontoise indeed,
became aware of this and escaped [126] and reached the Emperor, but the other
two were captured and by the Frankish law condemned to ordeal by battle. Gulielmus
was defeated and unhorsed and Bohemund imprisoned and blinded him; the other,
Reboldus, he sent to Lombardy to his father, Robert, by whom he too was deprived
of his sight. Then Bohemund left Asprae Ecclesiae for Castoria. The Great Domestic
on hearing this, occupied Moglena, seized and immediately put to death the’ Saracen’
and reduced the fort to complete ruin. Bohemund, meanwhile, left Castoria and
came to Larissa where he hoped to winter. When the Emperor reached the capital,
as already mentioned, he at once set to work-being, as he was, a strenuous worker
and never allotting himself any rest-and asked the sultan for troops as well as
for some generals with long experience. The latter consequently sent him 7,000
men with highly experienced leaders, among whom was Camyres who surpassed all
in long experience. While the Emperor was arranging and preparing these matters,
Bohemund selected a certain portion of his own army, all Franks in full armour,
sent them out and they took Pelagonia, Tricala and Castoria off-hand. Then Bohemund
himself with his whole army entered Tricala and dispatching a detachment of brave
men took Tzibiscus at first assault. After this he approached Larissa on the festival
of St. George the Martyr with all his troops, encircled the walls and proceeded
to besiege it. Now the defender of this city was the son of the Emperor’s hereditary
servant, Leo Cephalas, and he put up a stout resistance to Bohemund’s engines
for six whole months. He at once informed the Emperor by letter of the barbarian’s
attack. But the Emperor did not immediately start on his march against Bohemund,
though burning with impatience, but had to postpone his departure because he was
recruiting mercenaries from all quarters. At length after equipping them all fully,
he set out from Constantinople. When he was close to the territories of Larissa
and had passed over the hill of the Cells, he left the public highroad and the
hill, Cissabus, so-called locally, on the right and marched down to Ezeba ; this
is a Vlach village situated close to Androneia. From this he marched on to a large
village, generally called Plabitza, situated somewhere near a river called …
here he pitched his camp, entrenching it just sufficiently. Then on again through
the gardens of Delphinas, and beyond them to Tricala. And here a messenger bearing
a letter from Leo Cephalas (of whom I [127] have already spoken), found him. He
wrote very freely as follows: “Know, O Emperor, that up to the present by evincing
extreme zeal I have kept this fortress from being taken. Now we are deprived of
all foods allowed to Christians and have begun those which are not fitted for
us, but even those are now giving out. Therefore please make haste if you wish
to help us and if you could possibly drive away our assailants, then thanks be
to God. But, if not, I, at least, have done my duty; and shortly (for how is it
possible to struggle against nature and its imperious demands?) we must bow our
heads to necessity and we intend to surrender the fort to the enemy who are pressing
us hard and literally throttling us. But if this calamity should eventually come
to pass, then may I be accursed! But I now take the liberty of speaking openly
to your Majesty. If you do not hasten with all speed to extricate us from this
danger, as we are unable to support the overwhelming burden of warfare, as well
as famine, any longer; if you, our Sovereign, do not hasten to bring help when
you have the power to do so, then, I say, you will certainly not escape the imputation
of betrayal.” From this the Emperor realized that in one way or another he must
overcome the foe; and he was oppressed by anxieties and speculations. And for
a whole day during which he invoked the aid of God, he worked hard at the problem
of how best to set ambuscades. He also sent for an old man, a native of Larissa,
and sought information from him about the lie of the land. With intent eyes and
pointing with his finger too, he questioned him carefully about the places where
ravines broke through the plain, and whether any thick coppices grew beside them.
He asked these questions of the Larissaean because he wished to lay an ambush
and defeat the Latins by craft ; for he shirked an open battle in the field as
in several engagements he had been worsted and had gained experience of the Frankish
method of attack. At sunset, the Emperor, who had toiled all day long, betook
himself to sleep and a vision appeared to him. He seemed to be standing in the
church of the Protomartyr Demetrius and heard a voice say ” Do not grieve nor
groan, tomorrow you shall conquer.” He thought the voice fell upon his ears from
an icon suspended in the temple on which the martyr Demetrius was painted. He
awoke full of joy because of the voice of his vision, made his prayers to the
martyr and promised besides that, if victory should be granted him, he would travel
to Thessalonica and at several stades’ distance [128] from the town he would dismount
and proceed on foot at a smart pace and do obeisance to him in his church. Then
he summoned the generals, captains and his relatives and commenced the discussion
by asking their individual opinion, and next explained the plan he had formed.
And this was to entrust all the divisions to his relatives; as chief commanders
he appointed Melissenus Nicephorus and Curticius Basileios, also called ‘Little
John’; this man was an outstanding figure renowned for his bravery and military
skill, a native of Adrianople. But not only the divisions did he entrust to them
but also all the royal standards. Moreover he enjoined them to draw up the army
on the same plan as he had drawn it up in the foregoing battles, and advised them
first to try the vanguard of the Latin army by a skirmishing attack, then to raise
their battle-cry and make a general attack. But directly the troops were fully
engaged they were to turn their backs to the Latins and flee precipitately as
if making for Lycostomium. Whilst the Emperor was giving these orders, suddenly
all the horses in the army were heard to neigh. Astonishment seized them all;
however, the Emperor and the more intelligent of his audience at once interpreted
it as a good omen.

After he had given them these injunctions he left them to the right of Larissa,
and after waiting for the sunset, he ordered some picked men to follow him, and
went through the narrow pass of Libotanium, skirted Rebenicus and through the
so-called “Allage ” he reached the left side of Larissa; there he explored the
nature of the ground and finding a slight depression, he crouched down with his
companions. At the same time when the Emperor, as just related, was on the point
of entering the defiles of Libotanium in his haste to place an ambush, the leaders
of the Roman divisions selected and sent forward a detachment of the Roman troops
against the Franks to draw the latter’s attention to themselves and not allow
them leisure to spy out whither the Emperor was going. So the Romans descended
to the plain, attacked the Franks, and after a short battle, stopped, as night
completely prevented further fighting. On reaching the desired spot the Emperor
bade all dismount and kneel down and hold their reins in their hands; and he himself
accidentally alighted on a bed of germander and bending down likewise lay the
rest of the night on his face.

VI At sunrise Bohemund saw the Roman troops drawn up in array, and the royal
standards and the silver-studded [129] spears and the horses with their royal
red saddle-cloths, drew up his own army against them as well as he could, dividing
his forces into two, and leading one half himself and over the other he put Bryennius
[=Count of Brienne, Constable of Apulia] as commander, who was one of the most
illustrious Latins and called ‘Constable’ by them. After thus disposing his own
forces, he again followed his usual mode of procedure and thinking the Emperor
was where he saw the imperial ensigns in the middle of the line, he dashed down
upon this deception like a whirlwind. After a short resistance his opponents turned
their backs and he rushed after them in mad pursuit as in our previous descriptions.
Meanwhile the Emperor saw his own troops fleeing far, and Bohemund in mad pursuit
of them, and when he judged that Bohemund was at a safe distance from the Roman
camp, he jumped on his horse, bade his followers do the same, and fell upon Bohemund’s
encampment. Once inside it he slew a number of the Latins he found there and carried
off all the booty; then he took another glance at the pursuers and pursued. And
observing that his own men were really pretending flight and Bohemund chasing
after them and behind him Bryennius, he called George Pyrrhus, a famous archer,
and having detached other brave men, and a goodly number of peltasts he ordered
them to ride quickly after Bryennius, and when they overtook him, not to start
a close fight, but rather aim at the horses from a little distance and direct
showers of arrows upon them. They did thus overtake the Franks and showered arrows
upon the horses so that the horsemen were reduced to great difficulties. For every
Frank is invincible both in attack and appearance when he is on horseback, but
when he comes off his horse, partly due to the size of his shield, and partly
to the long curved peaks of his shoes and a consequent difficulty in walking,
then he becomes very easy to deal with and a different man altogether, for all
his mental energy evaporates, as it were. This, I fancy, the Emperor knew, and
therefore ordered them not to trouble about the riders, but to disable the horses.
As the Franks’ horses fell, the men with Bryennius were thrown into frightful
confusion, and from this large whirling mass a tall, thick cloud of dust rose
almost to the sky, so that its density could almost be likened to the darkness
‘that could be felt ‘ which befell Egypt long ago. For their eyes were blinded
by the thick dust which also prevented their seeing whence and by whom the arrows
were shot. So [130] sent three Latins to report the matter to Bohemund. These
found him standing on a little island in the river called Salabrias, eating grapes
and also making a boastful pun which is still popularly quoted. For he kept repeating
with his barbaric pronunciation of “Lycostomium ” that they had driven Alexius
“into the wolf’s mouth.” Thus does arrogance mislead many even with regard to
things directly before their eyes, and before their feet. But when he heard the
news sent by Bryennius and realized the craftiness and the victory won by guile
he was naturally, indeed, furious with the Emperor, but in no wise cast down,
so brave was he. A few selected Franks in full armour who were with him, then
mounted a small hill opposite Larissa. Directly our heavy troops caught sight
of them they demanded very eagerly to be allowed to attack them, but Alexius restrained
them from this enterprise. Nevertheless quite a number from the different divisions
and of various types did join together and mounted the hill and attacked the Franks,
who immediately rushed at them and killed about five hundred. Then the Emperor
guessing at the spot where Bohemund was likely to pass, dispatched brave soldiers
with the Turks and Migidenus as chief commander, but as they drew near, Bohemund
set upon them and beat them and pursued them to the river.

VII As dawn broke on the following day Bohemund crossed the river we have mentioned
with his attendant Counts, Bryennius himself among them, and when he found a swampy
place in the neighbourhood of Larissa and a tree-covered plain between two hills
which ran out into a very narrow pass (this is called a “cleisura “), the plain
was named “the palace of Domenicus,” he entered by the pass and fixed his palisades
there. The next day at dawn the leader of the phalanx, Michael Ducas, my maternal
uncle, caught him there with all the army. This man was celebrated for his prudence,
and in beauty and stature surpassed not only all his contemporaries, but all who
have ever been born! (for all who saw him were amazed); he was, too, very quick
and almost unrivalled in his conjectures of the future, his investigations of
the actual and in taking action accordingly. The Emperor gave strict injunctions
to this man not to let all the troops enter the mouth of the “cleisura”; but to
leave the mass of them outside in squadrons, and to pick out a few of the Turks
and Sauromatians who were skilled archers and allow these to enter, and to command
them to use no weapon but their arrows. These entered and made cavalry attacks
on the [131] Latins, and the men outside, burning for a fight, vied with each
other as to who should enter the mouth. Bollemund, who was an expert in strategic
science, commanded his men to form in close order and to stand quietly and protect
themselves with their shields. When the Protostrator saw the men under him gradually
melting away and entering the mouth of the pass he went in himself. And Bohemund
seeing them come rejoiced as ‘a lion who has met with mighty prey,’ to use a Homeric
expression, even so he, when he saw the men and the Protostrator Michael with
his own eyes, dashed at them with all his forces in an irresistible rush, whereupon
they immediately turned and fled. Uzas (who was thus named after his race), a
man famous for his bravery and skilled, as Homer says, ‘in wielding, now right
now left, the tough bull’s hide that formed his target,’ bent to the right as
he was coming out of the entrance and, turning sharply, hit the Latin following
him, who straightway f ell headlong to the ground. But Bohemund pursued the fugitives
as far as the river Salabrias. During the flight this same Uzas pierced Bohemund’s
standard-bearer with his spear and plucking the standard from his hands waved
it aloft a minute, and then lowered it to the ground. When the Latins saw their
standard lowered, they were confounded and fled along another path by which they
reached Tricala which had already been seized by some of Bohemund’s men who were
fleeing to Lycostomium. And there they entered the town and stayed awhile and
afterwards seized Castoria. But the Emperor soon left Larissa and entered Thessalonica
and with his usual sagacity very soon began sending offers of rich rewards to
the Counts in Bohemund’s train on condition that they would ask Bohemund for the
pay he had promised them, and that if he could not pay them, they should persuade
him to journey down to the sea and ask his father Robert for it, or better still,
cross the sea himself to fetch it. If they accomplished this, they should all
enjoy his respect and numberless benefits. And if any of them were willing to
serve under him as mercenaries, he would enrol them in his army and give them
the pay they required, and to those who preferred to return to their own homes,
he would give a safe passage through Hungary. In response to the Emperor’s suggestion,
the Counts unfeelingly demanded their pay for the last four years, but as Bohemund
had not got it, he temporized awhile. However on their insisting in their reasonable
demands, he did not know what to do, so appointed Bryennius Governor of [132]
Castoria, as well as Peter, son of Aliphas, who was guarding Polobi; and himself
journeyed down to Valona. On receipt of this news, the Emperor packed up and entered
the Queen of Cities in triumph.

VIII When he arrived he found the church in a very perturbed condition, and
did not even have a short period of relaxation. But as he was a true apostle of
the church, and now found it vexed by the teachings of Italus, although he was
anxious to march against Bryennius (the Frank who had taken Castoria, as we have
said) yet even under these circumstances he did not neglect his faith. For at
this time the doctrines of Italus had obtained a great vogue and were upsetting
the church. Now this Italus (for it is necessary to give his history from the
beginning) was a native of Italy and had spent a considerable time in Sicily;
this is an island situated near Italy. For the Sicilians had rebelled against
the Roman rule and were preparing for war against them and invited the Italians
to join them; amongst those w1lo came was the father of Italus who brought his
son with him, although he was not of military age, and the boy accompanied and
tripped along with him and received a military education, as is the custom of
the Italians. That is how Italus spent the early years of his life, and that was
the first foundation of his education. When the famous George Maniaces during
the reign of Monomachus mastered and subdued Sicily, the father of Italus with
his child only escaped with difficulty and betook themselves in their flight to
Lombardy which was still under the Romans. From there (I do not know how) this
Italus came to Constantinople, which was not ill supplied with teachers of every
subject and of the art of language. For from the time of Basil Porphyrogenitus
down to the Emperor Monomachus, the study of letters, although neglected by the
many, had nevertheless not entirely died out; it blazed up again and revived and
was seriously pursued by the lovers of letters in the reign of the Emperor Alexius.
Before that time men for the most part lived luxuriously and amused themselves,
and due to their effeminacy they busied themselves with quail-hunting and other
more disgraceful pastimes, and treated letters, and in fact any training in arts,
as a secondary consideration. Therefore when Italus found the majority of this
character he consorted with the scholars, gloomy men of uncouth habits (for such
were to be found in the capital even then) and after he had gained an education
in letters from them he later associated with the renowned [133] Michael Psellus.
This man had not studied very much under learned professors, but through his natural
cleverness and quick intelligence and further by the help of God (which he had
obtained by his mother’s ardent supplications, for she often spent whole nights
in the church of God weeping and making invocations to the holy picture of the
Virgin on her son’s behalf) he had reached the summit of all knowledge, was thoroughly
acquainted with Greek and Chaldoean literature and grew famous in those days for
his wisdom. Italus, then, became this man’s disciple, but he was never able to
plumb the depths of philosophy for he was of such a boorish and barbarous disposition
that he could not endure teachers even when learning from them. He was full of
daring and barbarous rebelliousness and even before learning a thing, imagined
he surpassed everybody else and from the very start he entered the lists against
Psellus himself. Being well versed in dialectics he caused daily commotions in
public meeting places by stringing together sophistical quibbles, putting forward
something of the kind and then maintaining an argument to match it. The reigning
Emperor, Michael Ducas, and his brothers, made a friend of him; they certainly
placed him after Psellus in their estimation, yet they were fond of him, and used
him in literary contests; for the Ducases, the Emperor’s brothers, and even the
Emperor Michael himself, were very literary. Italus would always cast heated,
furious glances at Psellus when the latter, like an eagle, soared above his quibbles.

What happened next? The war of the Latins and Italians with the Romans broke
out, and the occupation of Lombardy, nay even of the whole of Italy, was under
consideration. The Emperor of that time sent Italus to Epidamnus on the supposition
that he was his friend and an honest man, and understood Italian affairs. Then
to cut my story short, he was detected in treachery to us and an official was
sent to expel him, and Italus getting wind of this, escaped to Rome. Later, as
was his nature, he repented and sent imploring letters to the Emperor who ordered
him back to Constantinople and gave him as dwelling-place the monastery called
Pege, and the church of the Forty Saints. Later when Psellus left Byzantium after
taking the tonsure, Italus became the foremost teacher of all philosophy and was
styled the highest, ‘Hypatus,’ of philosophers and he gave lectures explaining
the books of Aristotle and Plato. He was generally supposed to be very learned.
and he undoubtedly was far cleverer than [134] all others in expounding that most
wonderful philosophic system, the Peripatetic, and especially the dialectics of
it. But for other branches of literature he had not a very good head, for he stumbled
over grammar and had never tasted the nectar of rhetoric. Consequently his language
was not adaptable nor at all polished. For the same reason, too, his character
was austere and entirely unadorned with grace. His studies too had contracted
his brows and he literally exhaled harshness. His writings were crammed full of
dialectic exordiums and his language in disputations redounded with ‘attempted
proofs,’ more so in his discourses than in his written works. He was so strong
in his arguments and so difficult to beat that his opponent would automatically
be reduced to silence and to despair. For he would dig a pit either, side of his
question and hurl his interlocutor into a well of difficulties. Such skill the
man had in dialectics, and by a rapid succession of questions he would overwhelm
his opponents by confusing and daunting their minds. And it was impossible for
anyone, who had once argued with him, to free himself from these labyrinths. In
other ways he was most unrefined, and subject to violent temper; and this fierce
temper annulled and obliterated the credit he gained from his learning. For in
arguments this man used fists as well as words and he did not allow his interlocutor
simply to lose himself in embarrassment nor was he satisfied with sewing up his
opponent’s mouth and condemning him to silence, but forthwith his hand flew out
to tear his beard and hair, and insult quickly followed insult, in fact the man
could not be restrained in the use of his hands and tongue. The only unphilosophic
trait he had was that after the blow his anger left him, tears and evident remorse
followed. If it would interest anyone to know his appearance, his head was large,
his brow very prominent, his face open, his nostrils wide and of free exhalation,
his beard rounded, his chest broad and his limbs well-knit together, in stature
shorter than the very tall. His pronunciation was such as you would expect of
a Latin who had come to our country as a young man and learnt Greek thoroughly
but was not quite clear in his articulation, for he mutilated his syllables here
and there. This want of clearness in his utterance and his dropping the last letters
did not escape even ordinary people and made rhetoricians call him ‘rustic’ in
his speech. As a result, although his writings were crammed with dialectical commonplaces,
drawn from all sources, they were decidedly not free [135] from faults of composition
and solecisms scattered broadcast.

IX This man then was the acknowledged master of all philosophy and the youth
flocked to him. (For he expounded to them the doctrines of Plato and Proclus,
and of the two philosophers, Porphyry and Iamblichus, but especially the rules
of Aristotle; and he gave instruction in the system to those who wished, as affording
a serviceable tool and it was on this that he rather prided himself and to this
he devoted his attention.) Yet he was unequal to exerting a very good influence
on his pupils as his violent temper and his general instability of character stood
in the way. And look, I pray, at his pupils-there were Solomon John, and an Iasitas
and Serblias and others devoted to learning maybe; most of them I saw myself later,
as they often came to the palace. They knew no literary subject accurately, but
would pose as dialecticians, making ungainly movements and mad contortions of
their limbs, they understood nothing sound but put forth ideas, even those about
metempsychosis, in a shadowy way and other similar equally monstrous notions.
Is there any learned man who on visiting the court has not seen that holy couple,
utterly absorbed in their study of the interpretation of the Divine writings both
at day- and nighttime? I mean my royal parents. And here I will tell a little
tale, for the laws of oratory allow that. I remember the Empress, my mother, when
breakfast was already on the table, carrying a book in her hands and poring over
the writings of the didactic Fathers, especially those of the philosopher and
martyr Maximus. For she was not so much interested in the physical disputations
as in those about the dogmas, because she wished to gain true wisdom. And I was
often seized with wonder at her and one day in my wonder I said to her, ” How
can you spontaneously rise to such sublime heights? for I tremble and dare not
listen to such things even with the tips of my ears? For the purely abstract and
intellectual character of the man makes one’s head swim, as the saying goes. “She
smiled and said ” I know that kind of quite laudable dread; and I myself do not
touch these books without a tremor and yet I cannot tear myself away from them.
But you wait a little and after you have dipped into other books, you will taste
the sweetness of these.” The remembrance of these words pricks my heart and I
have plunged into an ocean, so to speak, of other tales. But the rules of history
forbid them, therefore let us run back to the [136] tale of Italus – when he was
at the height of his popularity with the students, some of whom I have named,
he treated them all with contempt and turned many of the feebler-minded to rebellion
and made not a few of his own pupils tyrants. And I could mention several of them,
had not time obliterated their names from my memory. All this took place before
my father was elevated to the throne. On his accession he found all education
here in a very poor way and the regular study of letters apparently banished afar,
he lost no time in raking the ashes together to see whether some live sparks might
perchance be bidden under them. Those who were inclined to learning (and they
were but few and had not passed beyond the vestibule of Aristotelian philosophy)
he did not cease from encouraging but bade them prefer the study of the sacred
writings to Greek literature. He found Italus throwing everything into confusion
and leading many astray, so he deputed the Sebastocrator Isaac to examine him,
as he was very literary and accustomed to undertaking important duties. When Isaac
found that Italus was as report said, he openly censured him in a public meeting
and then passed him on to the ecclesiastical tribunal by order of the Emperor,
his brother. But Italus was unable to hide his own ignorance, and there he vomited
forth doctrines quite foreign to the church’s, and in the midst of the ecclesiastical
dignitaries he did not cease from acting like a buffoon, and doing other things
of a boorish and uncultured nature; the president of the church then was Eustratius
Garidas who condemned him to detention within the precincts of the great church
in the hopes of bringing him to a better state of mind. But, report says that
Garidas would more quickly have shared the other’s evil doctrines than brought
him back to the right path, and Italus won him over entirely to his side. What
was the consequence? The whole population of Constantinople surged into the church,
shouting for Italus. Probably he would have been thrown down from the top into
the middle of the church, had he not escaped to the roof of the sacred edifice
and hidden himself in some hole he found. But as the wrong doctrines he had promulgated
were much discussed by some of the courtiers, and not a few nobles had been corrupted
by those pernicious dogmas, the Emperor’s soul was vexed; and the heretical doctrines
taught by Italus were summarized in eleven chapters and dispatched to the Emperor.
Then the Emperor made Italus recite these chapters from the pulpit in the great
church with his head [137] uncovered, and pronounce a curse upon them, while all
the congregation listened and repeated the curse. When this had been done, Italus
still remained uncontrollable, and again taught these same doctrines to many quite
openly, and on being reprimanded by the Emperor, he turned away abruptly and rudely,
then he himself was excommunicated. Later on, when he professed penitence, his
sentence of excommunication was lightened somewhat. And although his doctrines
are still recited and cursed, his name is only mentioned indirectly, as it were,
and secretly, and the anathema pronounced on him by the church is not pronounced
in a voice audible to the congregation. For in his later years he changed his
opinions and repented of the error into which he had been led. Furthermore, he
denied a belief in metempsychosis and retracted his insulting words about the
holy icons of the saints; he also remodelled his teaching about ” ideas ” so as
to make it conform to orthodoxy, and it was quite evident that he condemned himself
for having formerly strayed from the straight path.