The Alexiad
by
Anna Comnena (Komnene)
Edited and translated by Elizabeth A. Dawes.
London: Routledge, Kegan, Paul, 1928.
BOOK VI
Norman West : Death of Robert Guiscard : The Turks
I NOW Bryennius was holding Castoria, as told above, so the Emperor who was
eager to drive him out and regain possession of the town, called up his whole
army again and after fully equipping them with weapons necessary for a siege and
also those for engagements in the open he took the road leading to the fort. The
situation of the town was as follows: there is a lake called Castoria, into which
a promontory runs, which widens out towards the end and terminates in rocky hills.
On this neck of land towers and connecting walls were built in the shape of a
camp, hence the town’s name of Castoria. On arrival the Emperor thought it would
be wisest in the first place to made an assault upon the towers and walls with
his battering-machines. But as it was impossible to get the soldiers near the
walls except from a definite base, he first made a palisaded camp, next built
wooden towers and bound them together with iron bands and then from these, as
if from a fort, he commenced the battles against the Franks. The siege-engines
and catapults he drew up outside the town and then by day and night he fought
and broke down part of the walls. However, the besieged resisted most determinedly
(they did not surrender even when a breach had been made in the wall) so the Emperor,
seeing that he could not achieve his object in that way, conceived a plan which
was both daring and clever. It was to put some stout-hearted men into boats and
make war from both sides simultaneously, that is, from the land and from the lake.
As there were no boats he had some light skiffs loaded on wagons and introduced
to the lake by means of the narrow causeway. He had noticed that the Latins who
mounted the hills at one side, ascended quickly, whereas those who descended at
another point spent a longer time over the descent ; so he put George Palaeologus
in the boat with some plucky soldiers and told him to row to the foot [139]of
the hills and when he saw the predetermined signals then to mount to the ridge
at the back of the enemy and enter the town by the uninhabited and easier road.
Afterwards directly he saw that the Emperor had commenced battle with the Latins
on the land-side, he himself was to come as quickly as possible, for the Latins
would not be able to carry on the fight equally well on two sides, and as soon
as it slackened a bit on one side, they would then more easily be defeated on
that same side. George Palmologus therefore anchored off the shores below the
hill we have mentioned and stood there ready armed ; he posted a look-out above
to watch for the signal to be given by the Emperor and told him directly he saw
it, to pass on the same to him. As early as daybreak the Emperor’s soldiers raised
their war cry and hastened to engage the Latins in battle on the land-side. The
lookout seeing the prearranged signal, signified it to Palaeologus by another
signal, whereupon he and his men immediately rushed up the ridge and joined in
the fight. When Bryennius saw the besiegers outside and Palaeologus raging against
them inside he did not surrender even then, but called upon the Counts to be bolder
in their resistance. But they behaved very shamelessly to him and said, “You see
how calamity is piled upon calamity I Each one of us for the future must secure
his own safety, some of us by joining the Emperor and others by returning to their
own country.” Straightway they translated their words into action; they petitioned
the Emperor to have one standard posted near the shrine of Saint George (for a
church dedicated to this martyr had been built there) and a second by the road
to Valona. “Thus,” said they, “those of us who wish to serve your Majesty, can
gather at the turn of the road leading to the church of the martyr, whilst those
who desire to return to their own country can assemble near the other on the road
to Valona.” And with these words they immediately deserted to the Emperor. But
Bryennius, being a brave man, absolutely refused to go over to the Emperor, but
took an oath never to take up arms against him again, on condition that the Emperor
gave him safe conduct to the frontiers of the Roman Empire and there set him free
to go to his country. The Emperor at once granted him his request and himself
took the road for Byzantium crowned with victory.
II Here I must interrupt the thread of the story a while to relate how the
Emperor suppressed the Paulicians. He could not bear the thought of entering the
capital without [140] having first subdued these rebels, but as though presiding
over a second victory after a first, he caused the mass of the Manichaeans to
complete the cycle of his achievements. For it was not even right to allow those
descendants of the Paulicians to be a blemish, as it were, on the brilliant trophy
of his western victories. He did not wish to effect this by warfare, as in the
clash of battle many lives on either side would be sacrificed, further he knew
from of old that these men were very spirited and breathed defiance against their
enemies. For this reason he was eager only to punish the ringleaders, and to incorporate
the rest in the body of his army. Hence he proceeded against them adroitly. He
knew those men’s love of danger and irrepressible courage in battle and therefore
feared that, if they became desperate, they would commit some terrible outrage;
and for the moment they were living quietly in their own country and so far had
abstained from raids and other forms of devastation; therefore on his way back
to Byzantium he asked them by letter to come and meet him and made them many promises.
But the Manichaeans had heard of his victory over the Franks and naturally suspected
that those letters were misleading them by fair promises; nevertheless, though
reluctant, they set out to meet him. Alexius halted close to Mosynopolis, pretending
that he was waiting for other reasons, but in reality he was only awaiting their
arrival. When they came he pretended that he wished to review them and write down
each individual’s name. So he presided with a grim face and commanded the chiefs
of the Manichaeans not to ride past promiscuously but in parties of ten, promising
a general review shortly, and then when their names had been inscribed, to enter
the gates in that order. The men whose duty it was to take them captive were all
ready and after taking away their horses and weapons, locked up the chiefs in
the prisons assigned them. Those who came after were in complete ignorance of
these doings and therefore entered the town little knowing the fate awaiting them.
In this manner then he captured them, and their property he confiscated and distributed
among the brave soldiers who had shared in the battles and dangers that had befallen
him. The official who undertook this distribution went to Philippopolis and drove
even the women from their homes and incarcerated them in the citadel. Within a
short time the Emperor took pity on the imprisoned Manichaeans, and those who
desired Christian baptism were not refused even this boon. So [141] having overreached
them by every kind of device he discovered the authors of this terrible madness,
and these he banished and imprisoned in islands. The rest he released and gave
them permission to go whithersoever they wished. And they, preferring their mother
country to any other, hastened back to it to put their affairs into what order
they could.
III Alexius then returned to the Queen of Cities. The mutterings against him
in the highways and byways (about his appropriation of Church-treasures) did not
escape his notice, and the hearing of them wounded his soul because the number
of backbiters railing against him had increased greatly although he had not committed
any serious offence. For in a time of dire need and world-upheaval and because
of the emptiness of the royal treasury he had recourse to that measure and regarded
it as a loan, and most assuredly not as robbery, nor was it the plot of a tyrannical
master as his slanderers asserted. Further, he intended after the successful termination
of the wars he had on hand, to restore to the churches the ornaments he had taken.
So on his return to the Queen-City he could not endure being made the subject
of discussion by those who wished to disparage his methods. On this account he
summoned the church to a very large conference in the palace of Blachernae before
which he would first present himself as defendant, and as such make his defence.
The whole senate was present with the military and all the clergy wondering what
this immense gathering was for. The fact was that it was nothing but an enquiry
into the rumours which were being bruited about against the Emperor. The priors
of the monasteries were present and before them were set up their books (these
are generally called ‘brevia’) in which lists were written of the treasures in
each church. In appearance the Emperor, seated on his royal throne, was the judge,
but in reality he was about to be examined. First the gifts bequeathed to the
holy houses in former times by various donors were read out and then the things
that had been taken away later or even by the reigning Emperor. And when it appeared
that nothing else had been taken away except the gold and silver ornaments which
lay on the tomb of the Queen Zo6 and a few other vessels of no great use for the
sacred services, the Emperor openly proclaimed himself as the culprit, and as
judge anybody who liked. And after a little while changing the tone of his speech,
he continued, “I found the Empire surrounded on all [142] sides by barbarians
and absolutely deficient in resources for opposing these enemies who were pressing
hard upon her; you know in how many dangers I was involved and only narrowly escaped
being slain by a barbarian’s sword. And verily the foes who attacked us from either
side were many times more numerous than we. You axe not ignorant of the incursions
of the Persians nor of the raids of the Scythians, and you have not forgotten
the spears from Lombardy that were whetted against us. But the money had disappeared
together with the arms, and the circle of our rule had been contracted to an indivisible
centre. How the whole army has grown, been thoroughly trained, collected from
all parts and welded into one, you know; and that all these things require much
money, you all know, and also that what I took was spent usefully after the example
of the famous Pericles and for the preservation of our honour. But, if to the
censorious among you we appear to have offended against the canons, that is not
surprising. For we read that the prophet among kings, David, when reduced to the
same need, ate the holy bread with his soldiers, and this, though it was not lawful
for a layman to touch the food reserved for the priests. And besides this we learn
from the sacred canons that on several occasions holy things were allowed to be
sold for the ransom of prisoners of war. If then, when our country was enslaved,
when the cities, and even Constantinople itself, were in danger of being captured-if
then under this frightful compulsion I laid hands on just a few things which did
not at all partake of the dignity of sacred things and used them for our liberation,
then, I aver, I have given my detractors no just cause of accusation.” With these
words he changed his manner of speech, proclaimed himself guilty and himself condemned
himself. Then he ordered the guardians of the ‘brevia’ to unroll them again with
the object of making a clear statement of what had been taken. And he immediately
awarded a fairly large sum of gold to the Chapter of the Church of the Antiphonetes
to be paid yearly by the trustees of the public fund; and this payment has remained
unchanged to this day; for the tomb of the Empress aforementioned was there. And
to the church in Chalcoprateia, he allotted an annual sum of gold from the royal
treasury sufficient to pay the regular choristers of that church dedicated to
the Virgin.
IV At the same time a plot against the Emperor was discovered, organized by
the leaders of the senate and the chief officers in the army, and it was divulged
to the Emperor. [143] The accusers were confronted with the instigators of the
plot and denounced them. Thus their conspiracy was revealed and the legal penalty
awaiting them for this offence was heavy, but the Emperor did not wish to impose
this punishment upon them, but decreed confiscation of their goods and exile against
the ringleaders and to this extent only did he take vengeance for this plot. Now
I must return to the point in my history where I broke off.
When Alexius was raised to the rank of Domestic by Nicephorus, Botaniates,
he took a certain Travlos, a Manichaean into his staff of intimate servants and
after he had honoured him with Christian baptism, he married him to one of the
Empress’ maidservants. Now this man had four sisters and when he heard of their
being driven from their homes with all the other women and imprisoned, and deprived
of all their belongings, he was indignant and could not bear it, but began to
consider how he could free himself from the Emperor’s power. His wife got to know
this and seeing her husband ready to run away she revealed the matter to the man
entrusted with the supervision of the Manichaeans. This fact did not escape Travlos
and so one evening he sent for all those whom he had made participators of his
secret to come to him. All his kinsmen rallied round him and they took possession
of Beliatoba ; this is a little town situated on the top of the hill which overlooks
the valley below Beliatoba. Finding this deserted, they looked upon it as their
own property and fixed their dwellings there, then they made daily sallies from
it, sometimes even as far as their own town, Philippopolis, and returned laden
with much booty. But Travlos, not satisfied with this, made a treaty with the
Scythians who dwelt by the Danube, and won over the chieftains round Glabinitza
and Dristra and the neighbouring districts, and at the same time betrothed himself
to the daughter of one of the leading Scythians ; this he did because he desired
with all his might to vex the Emperor by an inroad of the Scythians. The Emperor
received daily news of his doings and with an eye to the future, he did his best
to reconcile him by letters and promises as he suspected the evil that would be
wrought by him Nay, he even issued and sent him a Golden Bull guaranteeing him
security and perfect freedom. However, ‘a crab never learns to run straight’ ;
so Travlos remained the same man as before, continuing to seek the friendship
of the Scythians, to send for more from their own countries, and to lay waste
all the surrounding regions.
V When the Emperor had settled this matter of the Manichaeans as a secondary
business, he secured their allegiance by a treaty
Bohemund, meanwhile (for we must return to him now), was still lingering in
Valona; when he received the news concerning Bryermius and the other Counts, and
heard that some had preferred to serve the Emperor, and the others had dispersed
in different directions, he sought his mother country, crossed to Lombardy and
found his father at Salernum, as already said, and by inveighing bitterly against
the Emperor, aroused his father’s ire against him. When Robert saw him with disastrous
tidings plainly written on his face, and realized that the great hopes be had
placed in him had fallen ‘ wrong side up like a shell,’ he stood dazed for some
time, as if struck by lightning. After enquiring about everything and finding
that all had happened contrary to his expectations, he was overcome by dejection.
Yet even at this crisis he did not meditate anything ignoble or unworthy of his
personal bravery and daring; but was rather stirred up all the more to fight,
and anxieties and cares, heavier than the former ones, oppressed him. For the
man was a firm upholder of his own designs and conceptions and would never willingly
give up anything he had once planned-in a word ‘ he was undaunted and thought
he ought to be able to accomplish everything at the first attempt. So he soon
composed himself and on recovering from his deep despondency he sent messengers
in every direction to announce that he was crossing again to Illyria to fight
against the Emperor, and summoned all his friends. In a short time a multitude
of soldiers assembled from all parts, both horse- and foot-, all splendidly equipped
and eager for action. Homer would have described this multitude ‘as being like
tribes of swarming bees.’ And they flocked together from distant towns just as
much as from nearer ones. Thus Robert made great preparations in order to avenge
his son’s defeat, and finally sent for his other sons, Roger and another called
Gidus.[*=Guido] (The Emperor Alexius wanted to make this son secede from his father,
and had sent to him secretly with an offer of marriage and promises of high preferment
and an extravagant sum of money; Gidus had lent a willing ear, but so far had
kept the matter to himself.) To these two sons Robert entrusted all the cavalry
and dispatched them with orders to take Valona speedily; they crossed and did
this at once. [145] Then they left a small number of soldiers as garrison in Valona,
marched on with the rest, reached Buthrotum and took this too at the first assault.
Robert on his side took his entire fleet, and sailed along the coast opposite
Buthrotum, and reached Brindisi with the intention of crossing to Illyria. But
when he found out that the strait was narrower at Hydrunturn he crossed from that
port to Valona. Then with his whole fleet he coasted along from Valona to Buthrotum
and was reunited with his sons. As Corfu, which he had conquered before, had revolted
again, he left his sons in Buthrotum and sailed for Corfu himself with his whole
fleet. So much for Robert – the Emperor when he received the tidings, did not
lose heart at all but began preparations for renewing the war against Robert and
urged the Venetians by letter to furnish a large fleet, promising them they should
have their expenses paid many times over. He himself equipped biremes and triremes
and all manner of piratical vessels and sent them out against Robert with hoplites
on board skilled in naval warfare. When Robert heard of the arrival of the fleets
he, as was his nature, wanted to force on an engagement, so loosed cable and entered
the port of Cassope with his whole fleet. The Venetians had anchored in the harbour
of Pasaxi and stayed there a little and on hearing of Robert’s arrival, they too
quickly made for the port of Cassope. A fierce engagement ensued and a fight at
close quarters in which Robert was defeated. But fond of war as he was, and ever
lusting for a fight, he would not give in after defeat, but got ready for a second
battle and that a more serious one. This the admirals of both the fleets learnt
and, emboldened by their recent success, attacked him again on the third day and
gained a brilliant victory over him, and after it sailed back to the harbour of
Pasari. Then, as so often happens in such cases, they were either overelated by
their previously gained victories or they thought they had driven the vanquished
to despair, and consequently relaxed as if they had completed their task, and
held Robert in contempt. For they detached all the quick-sailing ships and sent
them to Venice to carry the news of Robert’s complete defeat. Whenen Robert heard
of this from a certain Venetian, Peter Contarinus by name, who had lately deserted
to him, he fell into deep despondency and found life scarcely tolerable. He soon,
however, thought better of it and recovering his spirits again attacked the Venetians.
These were panic-stricken by his unexpected arrival; they at once [147] bound
together their larger vessels with ropes in the neighbourhood of the harbour of
Corfu, and having thus constructed what is called an ‘open sea harbour ‘ they
drove the smaller vessels into it; then armed and awaited his coming. When he
came, the battle began, and it was a terrible one and fiercer than the two former
for the men fought more madly than before. So the battle waxed fiery; and neither
side would yield, but on the contrary fought face to face. The Venetians had previously
consumed all their provisions and consequently the boats were empty but for the
soldiers; so the boats, owing to their lightness, floated about as if upheld by
the surface of the water, which did not come up even to the second stripe; the
soldiers rushed in a mass to the side of the ships facing the foe, and so were
drowned; they numbered about thirteen thousand. The other ships were taken, crews
and all. After this signal victory Robert in a fit of harshness treated many of
the prisoners most cruelly, for he had the eyes of some gouged out, the noses
of others cut off, and some he deprived of their hands and feet, or both. About
the rest he sent word to their fellow-countrymen that whoever wanted to ransom
a friend for a price might come without fear. At the same time he asked whether
they wished for peace; and this is the answer they sent: “Know, Duke Robert, that
even if we were to see our women and children slaughtered by you, we should not
renounce our allegiance to the Emperor Alexius, and certainly we shall never cease
succouring him and fighting bravely for him.” After a short lapse of time the
Venetians equipped some ‘dromones’ and triremes and various other small, quick-sailing
craft and advanced against Robert with a stronger force. And when they found him
stationed at Buthrotum they joined battle with him and gained a great victory
over him, killing many and drowning more; and they very nearly captured his legitimate
son, Gidus, and his wife. Then they sent word to the Emperor of the brilliant
victory they had gained over Robert. He paid their services by liberal gifts and
preferments, and honoured the Doge of Venice with the title of ‘ Protosebastos
‘ with the salary attached, and on the Patriarch he bestowed the title ‘Hypertimius
‘ with its corresponding salary. Moreover he decreed that a large sum of gold
should be apportioned yearly to all the churches in Venice from the royal treasury,
and to the church named after the evangelist and apostle Mark he made all the
shopkeepers in Constantinople, who were natives of Amalfi, pay [147] tribute.
He also gave the Venetians all the wharfs running from the old Hebraic anchorage
to that called Bigla and all the anchorages between these two, as well as much
real property, not only in the capital and in the town of Dyrrachium, but wherever
they asked for it. But greatest gift of all, he ordered that their merchandise
should not be taxed in any of the countries under Roman sway, so that they could
trade freely where they liked, and not pay even an obol, neither for customs nor
for any other tax required by the Treasury, but should be exempt from all Roman
authority.
VI As for Robert (for my tale must return to the point where it digressed and
be kept within the bounds of historical narration) he did not rest even after
this defeat. But as he had already sent one ship with his son to Cephalenia as
he wished to take possession of the town on it, he brought his remaining ships,
with the whole army, to anchor near Boditza and himself sailed for Cephalenia
in a galley with one bank of oars. And before he could join his son and the rest
of his forces, whilst he was lingering near Ather (which is a promontory of Cephalenia)
he was seized with a violent fever. As he could not bear the burning of the fever,
he asked for cold water. His men dispersed in various directions to seek water
when a native said to them, “You see the island there, Ithaca. On that a large
town was built long ago called Jerusalem, and now it has fallen into ruins from
age; in that town there was a spring whose water was always fit for drinking and
very cold.” Robert was overcome with fear on hearing this for by connecting Ather
and the town of Jerusalem he understood that his death was imminent. For many
years before some soothsayers had prophesied to him the kind of thing flatterers
are wont to tell princes, As far as Ather you shall bring all countries under
your sway, but from there you shall depart for Jerusalem and pay your debt to
nature.” Whether the fever killed him or whether he died of pleurisy, I have no
means of saying for certain. At all events he died in six days. His wife Gaa
reached him just in time to see him die and his son weeping over him. News of
this calamity was, then sent to the son whom Robert in his lifetime had already
designated heir to his dukedom. On hearing the sad tidings he was overcome at
first by uncontrollable grief, but soon summoning reason to his aid and collecting
himself, he sent for all his followers and, whilst weeping inconsolably for his
father, he told them what had happened, and then [148] made them take the oath
of allegiance to himself. Next he crossed with them all to Apulia. During the
crossing he was caught in such a severe storm, although it was summer, that some
of the ships were wrecked, and others dashed on the shore and beaten to pieces.
The ship carrying the corpse was also half wrecked and the crew only just managed
to save the coffin, and convey it safely to Venusia. Robert was buried in the
old monastery dedicated to the Holy Trinity, where his brothers had been buried
before him. Robert died in the twenty-fifth year of his reign as duke and at the
age of seventy. The Emperor, on hearing of Robert’s sudden death, was greatly
relieved by having such a burden lifted from his shoulders; and very quickly turned
his attention to the Normans who were still in possession of Dyrrachium. He aimed
at sowing dissension amongst them by letters and other devices, as he thought
that would be the easiest means of regaining the city. He also persuaded the Venetians
who happened to be in the capital to advise the Venetians, Amalfians and other
foreigners who were in Epidamnus to submit to his will and surrender Dyrrachium
to him. And he himself did not cease making promises and offering bribes with
a view to their surrendering Dyrrachium. to him. The Latins allowed themselves
to be persuaded (for their whole race is very fond of money and quite accustomed
to selling even their dearest possessions for an obol) and with high hopes in
their hearts they formed a conspiracy and first of all slew the man who had originally
suggested betraying the fort to Robert, and next his fellow-conspirators; and
then they went to the Emperor, and handed over the fort to him and in return received
immunity of every kind from him.
VII A certain mathematician named Seth who boasted much of his knowledge of
astrology had forecast Robert’s fate by an oracle, after his crossing to Illyria,
written this forecast on a paper, sealed it and entrusted it to some of the Duke’s
intimates, bidding them keep it till a certain time. After Robert’s death they
opened it by the astrologer’s order and the prophecy was as follows: “A great
enemy from the west shall fall suddenly after having stirred up great confusion.”This
caused everybody to marvel at the man’s knowledge; and in truth he had delved
very deeply into this branch of science, and if I may be allowed to make a short
break in the course of my history, the following are the facts about astrological
prophecies. The discovery is fairly recent, and the science of it was not known
to the ancients. For [149] this method of divination did not exist in the time
of Eudoxus, the greatest of all astronomers, neither did Plato have any knowledge
of it, and even the astrologer, Manetho, had not brought it to perfection. Now
these (astrologers) observe the hour of the birth of the persons about whom they
intend to prophesy, and fix the cardinal points and carefully note the disposition
of all the stars, in short they do everything that the inventor of this science
bequeathed to posterity and which those who trouble about such trifles understand.
We, also, at one time dabbled a little in this science, not in order to cast horoscopes
(God forbid!), but by gaining a more accurate idea of this vain study to be able
to pass judgment upon its devotees. I do not mention this for the sake of boasting,
but to prove that during my father’s reign many of the sciences made great progress,
as he honoured both philosophers and philosophy itself, but towards this teaching
of astrology he showed some hostility, I believe because it tended to make people
of a guileless nature reject their faith in God and gape at the stars. This was
the cause of the Emperor’s waging war against the teaching of astrology. Yet in
spite of this there was no dearth of astrologers at that time, for the Seth I
have mentioned flourished then, and there was also a famous Egyptian, Alexandreus,
who was a strong exponent of the mysteries of astrology. He was consulted by many
and used to give most accurate forecasts in many cases, not even using the astrolabe,
but made his prophecies by a certain casting of dice. There was nothing magical
about that either, it was an art practised by the Alexandrians (or by Alexandreus).
When the Emperor saw how the young people flocked to him and regarded the man
as a species of prophet, he himself consulted him twice and each time Alexandreus
gave very correct answers. But the Emperor was afraid that harm might come to
many from it and that all would be led away to the vain pursuit of astrology,
so he banished him from the capital, assigned Raedestus as his dwelling-place
and showed great consideration for him, and his means of living were amply supplied
from the imperial treasury. Nay more, the great dialectician, Eleutherius, also
an Egyptian by birth, cultivated this art too and carried it to such perfection
that he yielded the palm to no one. Later again, a man called Catanances from
Athens came to the capital, anxious to carry off the first prize among astrologers
and when questioned by some about the date of the Emperor’s death, he foretold
it as he thought, but was proved wrong in his [150] prognostication. It happened,
however, that the lion which was kept in the palace died that day, after four
days’ fever, so the vulgar considered that the prophecy of Catanances had been
accomplished. After some considerable time he again foretold the date of the Emperor’s
death and was mistaken; yet the Emperor’s mother, the Empress Anna, died on the
very day Catanances had foretold. Because Catanances had made repeated mistakes
in his predictions about him, the Emperor did not like to banish him as he was
self-convicted, and also it might seem that he banished him in anger. But now
let us return to the point in our history where we abandoned it, otherwise we
shall be thought to be stargazers, obscuring the main theme of our history with
the names of astrologers.
Now Robert, as rumour insisted and many said, was a most exceptional leader,
quick-witted, good-looking, courteous in conversation, ready too in repartee,
loud-voiced, easily accessible, very tall in stature, his hair always close-cut,
long bearded, always anxious to maintain the ancient customs of his race. He preserved
his perfect comeliness of countenance and figure until the end, and of these he
was very proud as his appearance was considered worthy of kingship, he showed
respect to all his subordinates, more especially to those who were well-disposed
towards him. On the other hand he was very thrifty and fond of money, very business-like
and greedy of gain, and, in addition to all this, most ambitious; and since he
was a slave to these desires, he has incurred the serious censure of mankind.
Some people slander the Emperor and say he was faint-hearted and began the war
with Robert too soon. For if, as they allege, he had not attacked Robert before
the right time, he could have defeated him easily, as Robert was being worried
on all sides by the so-called Albanians and by the natives of Dalmatia sent by
Bodinus. These remarks came from the backbiters who stood out of shot and hurled
envenomed darts from their lips against the fighters. For all acknowledge Robert’s
bravery, remarkable skill in warfare and steadfast spirit; and he was a man who
could not be conquered easily but only with extreme difficulty, and after a defeat
he seemed to rise again with renewed vigour.
VIII The Emperor, as related above, returned to the capital in triumph with
the Latins from Count Bryennius’ army who had deserted to him on the first of
December in the seventh Indiction. He found his wife in the pangs of [151] childbirth
in the room which had of old been set apart for the Empresses’ confinements, our
forefathers called it the’purple’ room, and from it the name ‘Porphyrogeniti’
[*=born in the purple] has become current in the world. And at dawn on a Saturday
a female child was born to them who was exactly like her father, they said; that
child was I. And once upon a time, I heard the Empress, my mother, relate that
three days before the Emperor’s entry into the palace (for he was returning then
from the war with Robert and his other numerous battles and labours) she began
to feel pains, so she made the sign of the cross on her womb and said, ” Wait
a little, child, for your father’s coming! ” When she said that, the ‘Protovestiaire,’
her mother, scolded her severely and said angrily, ” How do you know whether he
will come within a month? and how will you be able to bear the pains so long ?
” Thus spake her mother, but the Empress’ command took effect, which signified
that even in the womb I felt that affection for my parents which was manifested
so conspicuously in the future. For afterwards as I grew up and reached years
of discretion I became sincerely devoted to my mother and also equally to my father.
And many can bear witness to this fact, above all those who know my history. And
further testimony to it are the many struggles, anxieties and even dangers which
I suffered because of my deep love for them, as I spared neither my honour, money,
nor even my life; for devotion to them so fired me that I even risked my life
for them several times. But no more of this. Let me return to the events which
took place after my birth. All the ceremonies usual at the birth of an Emperor’s
child were performed most lavishly, that is to say, acclamations and presents
and honours given at such a time to the heads of the Senate and the army, so that
all were more joyful and exultant than ever before and loud in their praises,
especially the Empress’ relations who could not contain themselves for joy. And
when a certain number of days had passed, my parents honoured me with a crown
and royal diadem. Now Constantine, the son of the ex-Emperor, Michael Ducas, of
whom I have often spoken, was regent together with the Emperor, my father, and
with him signed all deeds of gifts in red ink; and wearing a tiara, accompanied
him in all processions, and was acclaimed second in all acclamations; as I too
was now to be acclaimed, the leaders of the acclamations shouted out ” Constantine
and Anna ” together at the [152] time for acclamations. And this continued for
a good long time, as I have often heard my relations and parents subsequently
say. This was perhaps symbolic of what should befall me later, whether it can
be called good, or on the contrary, ill fortune. When a second daughter was born
to their majesties, bearing a likeness to her parents, and also showing signs
of the virtue and wisdom which were to distinguish her later, they much desired
to have a son as well, and their prayer was granted. For during the eleventh Indiction
a son was born to them. Thereupon my parents were indeed overjoyed and no trace
of sadness remained, as their desire had been fulfilled. The whole populace too
rejoiced, seeing their masters so happy, and congratulated each other and were
delighted. Then you would have seen the palace full of rejoicing and no shadow
of sorrow or even care, for all the well-disposed rejoiced from the bottom of
their heart, whilst the others feigned delight. A people, as a rule, is ill-affected
to its rulers, but by much pretence and flattery win the favour of their superiors.
However on this one occasion universal joy could be witnessed, as one and all
were really pleased. The child had a swarthy complexion, broad forehead, lean
cheeks, a nose neither snub nor aquiline but something between the two, very black
eyes which betokened, as far as one can judge from an infant’s face, a quick intelligence.
As my parents naturally wished to raise this child to the rank of Emperor and
leave him the empire of the Romans as his inheritance, they deemed him worthy
of being baptised and crowned in the great church of God. This is what happened
to us children, ‘born in the purple’ from the very starting-point of our birth.
What befell us later, shall be narrated in due order.
IX The Emperor Alexius had driven away the Turks from the shores of Bithynia
and the Bosporus and the Northern provinces and made a truce with Soliman, as
I have recounted earlier; then he rode off to Illyria where after many hardships
he utterly defeated Robert and his son, Bohemund, and thus delivered the West
from an overwhelming catastrophe. On his return from those parts he found that
the Turks under Apelchasem [=#Abul-kassim] were not only overrunning the East,
but had penetrated as far as the Propontis and the maritime towns there. And this
is the right point at which to tell how the Ameer Soliman on leaving Nicaea had
left this Apelchasem behind as governor ; how Puzanus was sent into Asia by the
sultan of Persia, and defeated and killed by Tutuses [*or Tutush or Toutoush],
the brother of the sultan; and how Tutuses himself after the defeat of Puzanus,
was strangled by his second cousins. A certain Armenian, Philaretus by name, conspicuous
for bravery and sagacity, had been raised to the rank of Domestic by the former
Emperor, Romanus Diogenes, and when he saw the latter’s downfall and heard further
that he had been deprived of his sight, it was more than he could bear, for he
loved him with an exceeding love, so plotted rebellion and made himself master
of the province of Antioch. But as the Turks daily laid waste the surrounding
country so that he had no peace, he meditated desertion to the Turks and circumcision,
which they practise. But his son vehemently opposed him and tried to divert him
from this mad enterprise, but his better counsels were not accepted. In his grief
at his father’s refusal he travelled for eight days to reach Nicaea, and there
gained access to the Ameer Soliman (who had just attained the rank of Sultan)
and roused him to undertake the siege of Antioch and incited him to war against
his father. Soliman lent him a ready ear, and when starting for Antioch he left
Apelchasem as Governor of Nicaea and also appointed him General-in-Chief over
all the other Generals. Then with Philaretus’ son in his train he rode for twelve
nights (for he reposed in the day) and by the unexpectedness of his arrival took
Antioch at first assault. At the same time Charatices secretly pillaged Sinope
as he had found out that a large sum of gold and money belonging to the imperial
treasury had been stored there. The Grand Sultan [*i.e. Malek Shah] had a brother,
Tutuses, who ruled over Jerusalem, the whole of Mesopotamia, and Aleppo and as
far as Baghdad, and was hoping to secure Antioch; when he noticed that the Ameer
Soliman was on the point of rebelling, and had already won the province of Antioch
for himself, he encamped with his whole army midway between Aleppo and Antioch.
On the Ameer Soliman’s coming out to meet him, a tremendous battle broke out at
once, and when it came to hand to hand fighting, Soliman’s troops turned their
backs and fled in disorder. In spite of all his protestations Soliman could not
restrain them from flight, so seeing his imminent danger he turned aside from
the battle and when he thought he had reached a safe spot, he placed his shield
on the ground, and throwing himself to the ground, sat down on it. However he
had not escaped the notice of his fellow [154] tribesmen; and some of the satraps
followed him and said his uncle Tutuses had sent for him. He refused to go as
he scented danger. But the satraps insisted and being unable to restrain them
by force, as he was alone, he drew his sword from its sheath and plunged it deep
into his bowels; and thus the wretched man died wretchedly. And the survivors
of Ameer Soliman’s forces at once joined Tutuses. On hearing of these doings the
Sultan feared that Tutuses was growing too powerful, so he sent a Chiauss to the
Emperor to ask a Roman princess in marriage for himself and promising, if this
were granted, to fetch away the Turks from the maritime towns, to restore him
his forts, and to help him wholeheartedly. The Emperor received him, read the
Sultan’s letter but eluded the question of marriage; and seeing that the Chiauss
was a man of understanding he asked him of his origin and parentage. On the latter
replying that his mother was an Iberian but his father a Turk, the Emperor took
a great deal of pains to persuade him to accept Christian baptism. The Chiauss
consented to this and pledged himself to the Emperor not to return home, after
he had received holy baptism. Since he had received instructions from the Sultan
by letter that, if the Emperor were willing to arrange a marriage for him, he
should drive out all the satraps who held the maritime towns by shewing them the
Sultan’s letter treating of this question, the Emperor suggested to the Chiauss
to make use of this letter and after he had expelled them all by shewing them
the Sultan’s writing, to return to the capital again. The Chiauss with great alacrity
went first to Sinope and by shewing Charatices the Sultan’s epistle he drove him
out of the town without an obol of the Emperor’s money in his pocket. This is
what happened. As Charatices was going out of Sinope, he desecrated the church
dedicated to our Immaculate Lady, the Mother of God, and forthwith he was delivered
by the hand of God, as it seemed, to an avenging demon, and fell to the ground
foaming at the mouth, and so he went out of the town mad 1 The jurisdiction over
Sinope the Chiauss handed to Constantine Dalassenus whom the Emperor had sent
down there for that purpose, then he successively visited the other towns, shewed
the satraps the Sultan’s letter, and thus drove them all out and handed the town
over to the Emperor’s satraps. This business finished, the Chiauss returned to
the Emperor, and after receiving holy baptism and revelling in rich presents he
was appointed Duke of Anchialus.
X When the suicide of Ameer Soliman became known throughout the whole of Asia,
each satrap who was governor over a town or fortress, took that respective place
and made it his own. For at the same time that the Ameer Soliman entrusted the
Government of Nicaea to Apelchasem on his departure for Antioch, he also apportioned
the seacoast, and Cappadocia, in fact the whole of Asia, to various satraps, for
each man to guard his own portion until such time as he, Soliman, should return.
Now Apelchasem who was then archsatrap in Nicaea, where the Sultan’s palace was,
took possession of the town and transferred Cappadocia to his brother, Pulchases,
and then lived a carefree life, expecting soon to assume the dignity of ‘Sultan,’
in fact looked upon it as a certainty. The man was capable and intrepid, and would
not be satisfied with what he had, so sent forth foraging parties to lay waste
the whole of Bithynia as far as the Propontis. The Emperor then tried his former
plan, that is, he dissipated the foragers and forced Apelchasem to sue for terms
of peace. But as he found that the latter continued making secret designs against
him and postponing the truce, he decided it was necessary to put a strong army
in the field against him. So the Emperor sent Taticius (whom I have frequently
mentioned) with a respectable force to Niceaa, warning him to use discretion in
attacking the enemy if by chance he fell in with any outside the town. Taticius
went off and marshalled his army in line of battle close to the walls as no Turks
were to be seen then, but they suddenly threw open the gates and a body of about
two hundred of them rode down upon him. When the Franks (of whom there were a
goodly number) saw them, they dashed straight at them in a tremendous onrush with
their long spears in their hands, and after wounding a large number, drove the
rest back to the fort. The next day Taticius stood there with his army in the
same formation until sunset, and since no Turk shewed himself outside the gates,
he marched back to Basileia and pitched his camp at a distance of twelve stades
from Nicaea. During the night a countryman came to him and assured him that Prosuch
was approaching with fifty thousand men, and had been sent by the newly elected
Sultan, Pargiaruch. As others confirmed this report, Taticius, seeing that his
forces were insufficient against large numbers, cancelled his former plans and
thought it better to preserve his whole army safe and sound rather than lose it
altogether by fighting against forces infinitely more numerous and far stronger
[156] than his own. Consequently his thoughts turned to the capital, and he settled
to return to it via Nicomedia. Now Apelchasem from his watchtower saw him turn
off to Constantinople and already on the march, so came out and followed him,
intending to attack him if he espied him encamping in some suitable spot. And
he overtook him at Prenetus, surprised him and started a violent fight. Taticius
quickly drew up his men and allowed the Franks to begin the battle and make the
first charge against the enemy. And they, long spears in hand, rode at full gallop
and hurled themselves like fire upon the barbarians, cut the phalanxes to pieces
and routed them completely. Afterwards Taticius regained the capital by way of
Bithynia. Apelchasem, however, could not keep quiet, for he was obsessed with
the desire of annexing the Roman Empire, or, if this was impossible, of extending
his rule over all the coast-lands and islands as well. In pursuit, then, of these
plans he determined first to build some buccaneering vessels, as he had taken
Cius (a town on the coast of Bithynia) and when the ships were nearing completion,
he thought his plans were maturing well. But he was not unobserved by the Emperor,
who quickly fitted out whatever biremes, triremes and other vessels he had at
hand, set Manuel Buturnites in command and sent him with injunctions to make haste
and burn Apelchasem’s half-built ships, no matter in what condition he found them.
Moreover, he sent Taticius with a considerable army against him by land. These
two left the City, and Apelchasem soon saw Butumites approaching by sea at great
speed, and heard that others were bearing down upon him by land; he judged the
ground, where he happened to be, unsuitable, as it was rough and narrow, and altogether
ill-adapted for his archers, as it would not allow them to act against the Roman
cavalry; so he moved his camp in order to place his troops on suitable ground.
This place he found, and by some it is called Halycae and by others Cyparission.
Butumites, meanwhile, arrived by sea and set fire to Apelchasem’s ships more quickly
than can be told. On the following day Taticius too came by land and drawing up
his troops in a convenient position, did not cease from mom till eve for fifteen
whole days, either skirmishing or engaging the troops of Apelchasern in close
combat. But as Apelchasem would not yield but maintained a determined resistance,
the Latins grew weary and, although the ground was not to their advantage, yet
they worried Taticius to [157] allow them, even unaided, to undertake a pitched
battle with the Turks. Finally, although against his own judgment, yet as he saw
daily reinforcements coming to Apelchasem, he gave way to the Latins. And about
sunrise he set his forces in array and joined battle with Apelchasem. In it many
of the Turks were killed, but most were taken prisoners, and still more fled without
giving a thought to their personal baggage. And Apelchasem himself rode straight
to Nicaea and only just escaped. Taticius’ soldiers collected a large amount of
booty and returned to their own camp. On receiving this news, the Emperor, clever
as he was in winning the souls of men and in softening a heart of stone, at once
dictated a letter to Apelchasem advising him to abstain from such vain enterprises
and not to beat the air but to come over to him and thus exchange a life of labour
for the enjoyment of bounteous gifts and honour. Therefore Apelchasem, when he
further heard that Prosuch was besieging towns held by various satraps and would
soon be at Nicaea with the object of besieging it, made a virtue of necessity,
as the saying is, and boldly accepted the Emperor’s offer of peace, although he
guessed the latter’s purpose. When the truce between them had been concluded,
the Emperor who was already scheming to obtain another advantage, and could see
no other way of gaining his end, invited Apelchasem to the capital to receive
gifts of money, enjoy a life of luxury to the full and then return home. Apelchasern
accepted and on his arrival in the capital was treated with much kindness. The
Turkish rulers of Nicaca still held Nicomedia (which is the metropolis of Bithynia)
and as the Emperor wished to expel them from that town, he thought it well to
build a second small citadel near the sea, while the terms of peace were being
arranged. Consequently he had all the materials necessary for the construction
of the fort, as well as the builders, loaded on transports and dispatched them
under Eustathius, the ‘Drungaire’ of the fleet, to whom he had revealed his secret
and entrusted the building. He conjured him to treat any Turks who might pass,
very kindly, and give them their fill of needful things, at the same time signifying
to them that Apelchasem knew of the building of the forts, but he was to ward
off all vessels from the shores of Bithynia to prevent Apelchasem’s hearing anything.
To Apelchasem. the Emperor gave money every day and was profuse in his invitations
to him to come to the baths, or horse-races or the chase, and further to view
the monuments set up along the [158] highroads. Moreover he gave orders to the
charioteers to prepare an equestrian display in his honour in the theatre which
Constantine the Great built long ago: and he urged him to go every day and watch
the horses being tested, all this was to get time for his builders while Apelchasem
wasted his days in the capital. But when the fort was finished and his purpose
accomplished, he loaded him with further gifts, honoured him with the rank of
“Sebastos” and after again confirming the treaty, sent him home in great state
by sea. When the building of the fort was revealed to Apelchasem, although he
was wounded deeply by the raising of it, yet he pretended to know nothing and
said not a word about it. A similar tale is told of Alcibiades-for he in a similar
manner had outwitted the Lacedoemonians when they refused to allow Athens to be
rebuilt after it had been destroyed by the Persians. For he told the Athenians
to rebuild their city while he went on an embassy to Sparta. There the embassy
wasted its time, thus giving the builders an opportunity and after the trick had
been successful, the Lacedaemonians learnt of the complete rebuilding of Athens.
And the Paeanian [*=Demosthenes] somewhere in his writings also mentions this
clever deception. So my father’s plan was similar, though more sagacious than
that of Alcibiades. Forhefawned upon this barbarian with horse-races and other
delights and by delaying him from day to day he managed to complete the fort and
when the work was quite finished he dismissed him from the capital.
XI Meanwhile Prosuch had come up with an enormous army, as was expected, and
was besieging Nicaea, as the countryman who came by night to Taticius said, and
for three months he persevered in the siege. Then when the townsmen and even Apelchasem
himself saw that things had come to a distressful pass, and that they would be
unable to hold out much longer, they sent a message to the Emperor begging him
to come to their aid and saying that they preferred to be called his servants
than to yield to Prosuch. He immediately picked out the best of the troops that
happened to be on the spot, gave them standards and silver-studded sceptres and
sent them away to carry succour. Now he did not send this army to help Apelchasem
exactly, but in his own heart he hoped that his help might afterwards turn out
to be the ruin of Apelchasem. As two enemies of the Roman power were fighting
against each other, it was necessary to help the weaker, [159] not in order that
he might grow more powerful, but that he might beat off the other, and then he,
the Emperor, would take away the town from the former and make it his own, which
at present was outside the orbit of Empire; after that he would gradually take
another and yet another and thus enlarge the boundaries of the Roman Empire which
had become very restricted; more especially since the sword of the Turks had grown
so powerful. For there was a time when the limits of the Roman rule were the two
pillars which bound east and west respectively, those on the west being called
the ‘ pillars of Heracles,’those on the east the ‘pillars of Dionysus’ somewhere
near the frontier of India. It is hardly possible to define the Empire’s former
width. Egypt, Mero all the Troglodyte country, and the region adjacent to the
torrid zone; and in the other direction far-famed Thule, and the races who dwell
in the northern lands and over whose heads the North Pole stands. But in these
later times the boundary of the Roman rule was the neighbouring Bosporus on the
east and the city of Adrianople on the west. Now, however, the Emperor Alexius
by striking with both hands, as it were, at the barbarians who beset him on either
side and starting from Byzantium as his centre, enlarged the circle of his rule,
for on the west he made the Adriatic sea his frontier, and on the east the Euphrates
and Tigris. And he would have restored the Empire to its former prosperity, had
not the successive wars and the recurrent dangers and difficulties hindered him
in his purpose (for he was involved in great, as well as frequent, dangers). His
idea then, as I said at the beginning, in sending an army to Apelchasem, the tyrant
of Nicaea, was not to rescue him from danger, but to gain a victory for himself;
fortune, however, did not favour him. For the matter fell out thus. The troops
that were sent reached a small town called after the lord George ; and the Turks
immediately opened their gates to them. Then the soldiers went up to the battlements
of the wall above the East gate, piled up the standards and sceptres, shouting
at the same time and then continuously chanted their war cries. This noise absolutely
terrified the besiegers outside who crept away during the night, thinking that
the Emperor himself had come and thereupon the Roman forces returned straightaway
to the capital. For they were not a strong enough force to withstand an assault
by the Persians who were expected to come up shortly from the depths of the Turkish
Empire.
XII The Sultan on his side was awaiting the return of [160] his Chiauss; when
he noticed that he delayed his return, and then heard all he had done, how he
had expelled Charatices by stratagem from Sinope, had accepted Christian baptism
and been sent to the west by the Emperor with the title of Duke of Anchialus,
he was vexed and distressed. So he resolved to send Puzanus for a second time
with troops against Apelchasem, and also to give him a letter for the Emperor
treating of the question of alliance by marriage. The tenor of the letter was
as follows: “O Emperor, I have heard of thy doings. I know that no sooner hadst
thou taken up the reins of government, than thou wast involved in many wars, and
that now when thou hast just quelled the turbulent Latins, the Scythians are preparing
war against thee, and that Ameer Apelchasem has broken the treaty, made by thee
with Soliman, and is ravaging Asia right up to Damalis. If therefore thou art
anxious for Apelchasem to be driven out of those countries and to have Asia and
even Antioch itself under thy rule, then send me thy daughter as bride for my
eldest son. If thou dost this, there will be no more stumbling-blocks in thy path,
but thou wilt easily accomplish everything with me as thy coadjutor, not only
in the East, but even in Illyria and all the West by means of the forces I shall
send thee, and nobody will be able henceforth to stand before thee.” This was
the tenor of the Persian Sultan’s letter. After Puzanus reached Nicaea and made
not only one, but several attempts to take it, which were foiled by Apelchasem’s
valiant resistance, as he had obtained the help he had begged from the Emperor,
he turned his attention to the capture of other towns and forts, so left Nicxa
and pitched his tents near the Lampe (which is a river near Lopadium). After his
departure Apelchasem loaded as much gold as they could carry on fifteen mules
and set off to the Sultan of Persia, taking this gift with him in order not to
be dismissed from his governorship. He came upon the Sultan encamped near Spacha,
and as the latter did not deign even to see him, he employed mediators. And as
these worried the Sultan, he said ” As I have once for all bestowed the province
on the Ameer Puzanus I have no intention of taking it away from him again. Let
the man go and carry his money to Puzanus and say what he likes to him, and whatever
Puzanus settles, will satisfy me.” Thus after remaining a considerable time there
and taking a great deal of trouble all to no purpose, he started, presumably to
go to Puzanus and met the two hundred satraps whom the [161] latter had sent after
him, for his exit from Nicaea had not passed unnoticed. These took him prisoner,
threw a noose woven of bowstrings round his neck and strangled him. Now in my
opinion this deed was not due to Puzanus, but to that Sultan who had ordered his
men to dispose of Apelchasem by some such means. That is the story of Apelchasem.
The Emperor read the Sultan’s letter but did not think the offer contained therein
worthy of consideration at all. And how could he have done so ? For if the Emperor’s
little daughter, as the letter demanded, had been betrothed to the barbarian’s
eldest son, she would assuredly have been unhappy. if she had gone to Persia and
become mistress of a kingdom which would have brought her greater wretchedness
than the worst poverty. But God forbade it nor did the Emperor ever intend that
such a thing should happen, not even if his fortunes had sunk to the lowest ebb.
Directly after he first heard the letter he burst into laughter at the barbarian’s
presumption with the remark that “Some demon put this into his mind.” This is
what the Emperor thought of the marriage. But as he considered it expedient to
keep the Sultan’s mind in suspense by feeding him on vain hopes, he sent Curticius
and three others as ambassadors to him with letters, in which he pretended to
entertain the idea of peace and to agree to his requests, whilst, on his side,
he made other demands which would occasion further lapse of time. But before the
ambassadors sent from Byzantium had reached Chorosan they heard of the Sultan’s
murder, and so returned. For Tutuses, the Sultan’s brother, had killed the Ameer
Soliman and also his own brother-in-law, who had marched against him from Arabia
with an army, and as a result became puff ed up with conceit ; consequently when
he learnt that the Sultan had already begun negotiations for peace with the Emperor,
he contemplated murdering his brother.
So he sent for twelve Chasii, as they are called in Persian, who breathe murder,
and sent them off quickly in the guise of ambassadors to the Sultan, having first
suggested to them a way of killing his brother. “Go,” he said, “and first have
it proclaimed that you have certain secrets to reveal to the Sultan, and, when
you have been granted an audience, go up close to him as if you wanted to whisper
in his ear, and then slay him quickly.” Then these ambassadors, or rather assassins,
went off in very high spirits to kill the Sultan, just as if they had been invited
to a dinner or a festivity. On arrival they found him drunk, and everything was
made [162] easy for them, because the guards entrusted with the watch over the
Sultan were standing at some distance, so they approached him, and drawing their
swords from under their arm, promptly dispatched the wretched man. For the characteristic
of these Chasii is to rejoice in bloodshed, and to consider it a treat to be allowed
to thrust their swords through a man’s entrails. And if, perchance, others were
to attack them at that very minute, and mince them up like sausage-meat, they
reckon that kind of death an honour, for they inherit and hand on to their children
this trade of assassination, as a species of ancestral heritage. Not one of those
fellows returned to Tutuses as they would have lost their own lives in expiation
for this crime. Puzanus however, on hearing of it, returned to Chorosan with all
his forces; and as he was nearing it, Tutuses, the brother of the murdered Sultan,
encountered him. At once a close conflict began, as both armies fought bravely
and neither would yield the victory to the other, and then Puzanus fell, mortally
wounded, after fighting bravely, and causing consternation to his foes; and his
men scattered in flight in different directions, each one thinking only of his
own safety. Tutuses entered Chorosan as victor and felt as if he had already risen
to the rank of ‘Sultan,’ and yet danger menaced him. For Pargiaruch, the son of
the murdered Sultan, Tapares, met him in battle and rejoicing, as the poet says,
‘like a lion who has fallen in with mighty prey,’ he attacked him with all his
might and main, cut up the whole of Tutuses’ forces and vigorously pursued the
fugitives. And Tutuses himself, who was puffed up with pride like Novatus,[*=a
heretic whose pride had been proverbial] perished too. When Apelchasem had gone
to Chorosan with his money to see the Sultan, as was related earlier, his brother
Pulchases surprised Nicaea and held it. On receipt of this news the Emperor made
him offers of extravagant rewards, provided only he would quit the city and hand
it over to him. Pulchases indeed was willing, but hesitated, as he had his eye
upon Apelchasem; he sent message upon message to the Emperor, keeping him in suspense,
but really waiting for his brother’s return. In the interval something like this
happened. Before his murder by the Chasii he Sultan of Chorosan had managed to
secure the great Soliman’s two sons, and after his death they ran away from Chorosan
and quickly found their way to Nicaca, where the inhabitants gave them an ovation
and received them with the greatest joy. And Pulchases willingly handed over Nicaea
to them as being their rightful inheritance, and the [163] elder of the two, Clitziasthlan
[*=Kilidje Arslan] by name, was elected Sultan. He sent for the wives and children
of the men then staying in Nicaeea, and bade them live there, and made this city
the dwelling-place, as one might say, of the Sultans. After making this arrangement
in Nicaca, he deposed Pulchases from his post, appointed the arch-satrap, Mahomet,
chief over the satraps in Nicaea, and leaving him in charge set out for Melitene.
XIII So much about the Sultans. Elchanes, the archsatrap, with the troops under
him, seized Apollonias and Cyzicus (both these are on the coast) and then laid
waste all the country along the sea. On being informed of this the Emperor assembled
a number of the boats he had (for the fleet was not ready yet), put siege-engines
in them and brave soldiers, appointed Euphorbenus Alexander, one of the most illustrious
for lineage and famous for valour, over the expedition and sent him against Elchanes.
On reaching Apollonias he at once besieged it, and after six days and nights,
for he did not at all stop the work at night, he made himself master of the outer
circuit of the fort, which is now usually called the ‘exopolos.’ But Elchanes
held on stoutly to the citadel as he expected relieving forces. And indeed Alexander
found out that a large barbarian army was advancing to the assistance of Elchanes,
and seeing that his own men were but a small fraction of this new army, he decided
that, as he could not conquer, it would be wiser at least to keep his men unharmed.
Since his affairs were in a precarious state and no road of safety remained, he
led his men off towards the sea. They embarked in their boats, and intended to
sail down the river to the sea. But Elchanes guessing Alexander’s intention took
possession beforehand of the exit from the lake and the bridge over the river,
on which a shrine to the memory of Constantine the Great was built of old by St.
Helena, and from this the bridge took, and still takes, its name. At the exit
from the lake then and on this bridge he posted some of his bravest men on either
side with orders to watch for the passing of the fleet. Thus all our men who were
on board these small vessels fell straight into Elchanes’ ambush as they passed
through the mouth of the lake, and losing their heads at sight of the sudden danger
they drove the ships to land and jumped ashore. The Turks overtook them and a
serious battle commenced. Many of the leaders were captured and many too fell
into the river and were swept away in its eddies. The Emperor could not [164]
brook this defeat, so sent out a considerable army under Opus to march overland
against them. Opus reached Cyzicus and took that without trouble; then he picked
out three hundred adventurous men used to storming cities and dispatched them
to Poemanenum. This city, too, they took at first onset and killed some of the
inhabitants on the spot and sent the rest as prisoners to Opus, and he, as promptly,
sent them to the Emperor. He then left Cyzicus and went on to Apollonias which
he beset closely. As Elchanes had no longer adequate forces to contend against
him, he surrendered the city of his own free will, and he and all his blood-relations
deserted to the Emperor, hence he enjoyed countless privileges, and obtained the
greatest of all, namely, holy baptism. Some refused to join Opus, for instance,
Scaliarius and he who later was created ‘Hyperperilampros’ … (for these belonged
to the number of illustrious satraps), but when he heard of the Emperor’s benevolence
and liberal gifts to Elchanes, they came over to him too, and obtained their heart’s
desire. For the Emperor was essentially a most religious man, and in his life
and speech the high priest of all piety. He was very fond, too, of teaching our
doctrines and was a real missionary by choice and in his manner of speech; he
wanted to bring into the fold of our church not only the Scythian nomads, but
also the whole of Persia, as well as the barbarians who inhabit Libya and Egypt
and follow the rites of Mohamed.
XIV Enough has been said about the Turks. I now intend to relate a second attack
on the Roman Empire, more terrible and greater than the first, and I again resume
the story at the beginning, for one subject has come up after another as wave
follows wave.
A certain Scythian tribe, who were daily harried by the Sauromatx, left their
homes and travelled down to the Danube. It was, of course, necessary for them
to make terms with the dwellers on the shores of the Danube, so by common consent
the chieftains met for a conference ; there were Tatus and Chales and Sesthlabus
and Satzas (for I must give the names of the highest born of these, although the
elegant appearance of my history is spoiled by them), the last named was chief
over Dristra, the others over Bitzina and neighbouring towns. After having made
a truce with the chiefs the Scythians proceeded fearlessly to cross the Danube,
and to ravage the surrounding country and also took a few small towns. And in
between when they rested a little, [165] they commenced to plough and sowed millet
and wheat. But that fellow, Travlos, the Manichaean, with his followers, and his
co-religionists who dwelt in the town on the ridge of Beliotaba, with whom this
history has dealt at some length already, heard of these Scythians and so brought
to birth the plan they had been hatching so long, for they seized the rough roads
and passes, sent for the Scythians to help them and then started to devastate
the Roman territory. For these Manichaeans are by nature ‘ever greedy of war’
and, like dogs, ‘ ever thirsty of human blood.’
On hearing of this, Alexius sent orders to Pacurianus, the Domestic of the
West, to take an army and march against them; for he knew he was the ablest man
for training and organizing and marshalling it; with him was to go Branas, another
very gallant commander. Pacurianus found that the Scythians had scaled the mountain-pass
and planted their palisades this side of Beliotaba, and when he saw their countless
host he at once shrank from battle with them, thinking it better to keep his own
troops quiet for the present rather than to risk a battle with the Scythians and
be defeated and lose many. However, Branas, who was of a very adventurous and
daring nature, did not approve of this plan. So the Domestic to avoid the imputation
of cowardice for postponing the battle, yielded to Branas’ impetuosity, bade his
men arm, and after drawing them up in line of battle marched against the Scythians,
himself holding the centre of the line. But ‘ since the Roman army was not equivalent
even to a small fraction of the opposing host, they were all panic-stricken at
first sight. However they did attack the Scythians, and many were killed in the
fight and Branas himself fell, mortally wounded. The Domestic fought desperately
and made fierce onsets on the foe, but was dashed against an oak and killed on
the spot. And the rest of the army scattered in all directions. On receiving these
tidings the Emperor mourned for all the fallen, both individually and collectively.
But he was most grieved at the Domestic’s death and shed floods of tears, for
he loved him exceedingly even before his elevation to the throne. Yet in spite
of it all he did not lose heart, but called Taticius and sent him with sufficient
money to Adrianople to give the soldiers their pay for the year and to collect
troops from all quarters so that he might raise a fresh army large enough for
the war. He ordered Hubertopoulos to leave an adequate garrison in Cyzicus and
taking the Franks only with him to lose no time [166] in joining Taticius. When
Taticius saw the Latins and Hubertopoulos, he took courage and as he had already
collected a sufficiently large army, he immediately marched straight against the
Scythians. When near Philippopolis he pitched his camp on the edge of the river
which flows by Blisnus. But when he beheld the Scythians returning from a raid
and bringing back much booty and captives, although the baggage had scarcely been
brought into the camp, he selected a division of his army and sent it to attack
them, then he armed himself, bade all do the same, drew up his lines and then
followed the soldiers he had sent ahead. As he observed that the Scythians with
their spoils and captives were rejoining the main Scythian body on the bank of
the Eurus (?), he divided his army in two and bidding both divisions raise the
war-cry he attacked the barbarians amidst loud shouts and clamour. As the conflict
grew fierce, the majority of the Scythians were slain but many saved their lives
by running away. Then Taticius gathered up all the booty and returned victorious
to Philippopolis. There he quartered his whole army and then meditated from what
direction and in what manner he could best attack the barbarians again. As he
knew that their forces were innumerable he sent out spies in all directions, so
that through them he might be kept informed of the Scythians’ movements. The spies
returned and reported that a great multitude of the barbarians was near Beliotaba
and ravaging the country. Taticius who expected the Scythians to come, and had
not sufficient forces to pit against such numbers, was at a loss what to do and
in great perplexity. Nevertheless he whetted his sword and put courage into the
army for a battle. Soon a spy ran in, announcing the approach of the barbarians
and adding that they were already close at hand. Taticius quickly snatched up
his arms and getting the whole army ready, crossed the Eurus immediately and disposed
his regiments in battalions and having formed his plan of battle waited, his own
station being the centre of the line. The barbarians who drew tbemselves up in
the Scythian fashion and arrayed themselves for battle, seemed to be eager for
a fight and to wish to provoke their opponents to a battle. But really, both the
armies were afraid and tried to avoid an engagement ; the Roman army quaked before
the overwhelming numbers of the Scythians, while these for their part were alarmed
at the sight of all our men in full armour, and the standards, and splendid clothing
and the glitter shining over all and gleaming [167] like starlight. Alone amongst
them all the adventuresome Latins, so daring in battle, wished to be the first
to attack, and they whetted their teeth and their swords at the same time. But
Taticius restrained them ; for he was very levelheaded and very clever in forecasting
the trend of events. So both the armies stood, each waiting for the other to make
a movement, and not a single soldier from either army daring to ride out into
the intervening space; when the sun began to set, each of the generals returned
to his own encampment. This was done for two days, the generals got ready for
battle and drew up their men in battle formation, and, as neither hazarded battle
against the other, at dawn of the third day the Scythians retreated. Directly
Taticius learnt this he hurried after them; but ‘on foot after a Lydian chariot’,
as they say. For the Scythians passed through Sidera (that is the name of a valley)
before him, and as he did not overtake them there, he led back all his forces
to Adrianople. There he left the Franks and dismissing the soldiers to their homes,
he himself returned to the capital with a portion of the army.
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