Xenophon
Anabasis
or March Up Country
BOOK III
In the preceding pages of the narrative will be found a full account, not only
of the doings of the Hellenes during the advance of Cyrus till the date of the
battle, but of the inci- dents which befell them after Cyrus’ death at the commencement
of the retreat, while in company with Tissaphernes during the truce.
I
After the generals had been seized, and the captains and soldiers who 1 formed
their escort had been killed, the Hellenes lay in deep perplexity–a prey to painful
reflections. Here were they at the king’s gates, and on every side environing
them were many hostile cities and tribes of men. Who was there now to furnish
them with a market? Separated from Hellas by more than a thousand miles, they
had not even a guide to point the way. Impassable rivers lay athwart their homeward
route, and hemmed them in. Betrayed even by the Asiatics, at whose side they had
marched with Cyrus to the attack, they were left in isolation. Without a single
mounted trooper to aid them in pursuit: was it not perfectly plain that if they
won a battle, their enemies would escape to a man, but if they were beaten themselves,
not one soul of them would survive?
Haunted by such thoughts, and with hearts full of despair, but few of them
tasted food that evening; but few of them kindled even a fire, and many never
came into camp at all that night, but took their rest where each chanced to be.
They could not close their eyes for very pain and yearning after their fatherlands
or their parents, the wife or child whom they never expected to look upon again.
Such was the plight in which each and all tried to seek repose.
Now there was in that host a certain man, an Athenian[1], Xenophon, who had
accompanied Cyrus, neither as a general, nor as an officer, nor yet as a private
soldier, but simply on the invitation of an old friend, Proxenus. This old friend
had sent to fetch him from home, promising, if he would come, to introduce him
to Cyrus, “whom,” said Proxenus, “I consider to be worth my fatherland and more
to me.”
[1] The reader should turn to Grote’s comments on the first appearance of Xenophon.
He has been mentioned before, of course, more than once before; but he now steps,
as the protagonist, upon the scene, and as Grote says: “It is in true Homeric
vein, and in something like Homeric language, that Xenophon (to whom we owe the
whole narrative of the expedition) describes his dream, or the intervention of
Oneiros, sent by Zeus, from which this renovating impulse took its rise.”
Xenophon having read the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian, whether he
should accept or refuse the invitation. Socrates, who had a suspicion that the
State of Athens might in some way look askance at my friendship with Cyrus, whose
zealous co-operation with the Lacedaemonians against Athens in the war was not
forgotten, advised Xenophon to go to Delphi and there to consult the god as to
the desirability of such a journey. Xenophon went and put the question to Apollo,
to which of the gods he must pray and do sacrifice, so that he might best accomplish
his intended journey and return in safety, with good fortune. Then Apollo answered
him: “To such and such gods must thou do sacrifice,” and when he had returned
home he reported to Socrates the oracle. But he, when he heard, blamed Xenophon
that he had not, in the first instance, inquired of the god, whether it were better
for him to go or to stay, but had taken on himself to settle that point affirmatively,
by inquiring straightway, how he might best 7 perform the journey. “Since, however,”
continued Socrates, “you did so put the question, you should do what the god enjoined.”
Thus, and without further ado, Xenophon offered sacrifice to those whom the god
had named, and set sail on his voyage. He overtook Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis,
when they were just ready to start on the march up country, and was at once introduced
to Cyrus. Proxenus eagerly pressed him to stop–a request which Cyrus with like
ardour supported, adding that as soon as the campaign was over he would send him
home. The campaign referred to was understood to be against the Pisidians. That
is how Xenophon came to join the expedition, deceived indeed, though not by Proxenus,
who was equally in the dark with the rest of the Hellenes, not counting Clearchus,
as to the intended attack upon the king. Then, though the majority were in apprehension
of the journey, which was not at all to their minds, yet, for very shame of one
another and Cyrus, they continued to follow him, and with the rest went Xenophon.
And now in this season of perplexity, he too, with the rest, was in sore distress,
and could not sleep; but anon, getting a snatch of sleep, he had a dream. It seemed
to him in a vision that there was a storm of thunder and lightning, and a bolt
fell on his father’s house, and thereupon the house was all in a blaze. He sprung
up in terror, and pondering the matter, decided that in part the dream was good:
in that he had seen a great light from Zeus, whilst in the midst of toil and danger.
But partly too he feared it, for evidently it had come from Zeus the king. And
the fire kindled all around–what could that mean but that he was hemmed in by
various perplexities, and so could not escape from the country of the king? The
full meaning, however, is to be discovered from what happened after the dream.
This is what took place. As soon as he was fully awake, the first clear thought
which came into his head was, Why am I lying here? The night advances; with the
day, it is like enough, the enemy will be upon us. If we are to fall into the
hands of the king, what is left us but to face the most horrible of sights, and
to suffer the most 13 fearful pains, and then to die, insulted, an ignominious
death? To defend ourselves–to ward off that fate–not a hand stirs: no one is
preparing, none cares; but here we lie, as though it were time to rest and take
our ease. I too! what am I waiting for? a general to undertake the work? and from
what city? am I waiting till I am older mysef and of riper age? older I shall
never be, if to-day I betray myself to my enemies.
Thereupon he got up, and called together first Proxenus’s officers; and when
they were met, he said: “Sleep, sirs, I cannot, nor can you, I fancy, nor lie
here longer, when I see in what straits we are. Our enemy, we may be sure, did
not open war upon us till he felt he had everything amply ready; yet none of us
shows a corresponding anxiety to enter the lists of battle in the bravest style.
“And yet, if we yield ourselves and fall into the king’s power, need we ask
what our fate will be? This man, who, when his own brother, the son of the same
parents, was dead, was not content with that, but severed head and hand from the
body, and nailed them to a cross. We, then, who have not even the tie of blood
in our favour, but who marched against him, meaning to make a slave of him instead
of a king–and to slay him if we could: what is likely to be our fate at his hands?
Will he not go all lengths so that, by inflicting on us the extreme of ignominy
and torture, he may rouse in the rest of mankind a terror of ever marching against
him any more? There is no question but that our business is to avoid by all means
getting into his clutches.
“For my part, all the while the truce lasted, I never ceased pitying ourselves
and congratulating the king and those with him, as, like a helpless spectator,
I surveyed the extent and quality of their territory, the plenteousness of their
provisions, the multitude of their dependants, their cattle, their gold, and their
apparel. And then to turn and ponder the condition of our soldiers, without part
or lot in these good things, except we bought it; few, I knew, had any longer
the wherewithal to buy, and yet our oath held us down, so that we could not provide
ourselves otherwise than by purchase. I say, as I 21 reasoned thus, there were
times when I dreaded the truce more than I now dread war.
“Now, however, that they have abruptly ended the truce, there is an end also
to their own insolence and to our suspicion. All these good things of theirs are
now set as prizes for the combatants. To whichsoever of us shall prove the better
men, will they fall as guerdons; and the gods themselves are the judges of the
strife. The gods, who full surely will be on our side, seeing it is our enemies
who have taken their names falsely; whilst we, with much to lure us, yet for our
oath’s sake, and the gods who were our witnesses, sternly held aloof. So that,
it seems to me, we have a right to enter upon this contest with much more heart
than our foes; and further, we are possessed of bodies more capable than theirs
of bearing cold and heat and labour; souls too we have, by the help of heaven,
better and braver; nay, the men themselves are more vulnerable, more mortal, than
ourselves, if so be the gods vouchsafe to give us victory once again.
“Howbeit, for I doubt not elsewhere similar reflections are being made, whatsoever
betide, let us not, in heaven’s name, wait for others to come and challenge us
to noble deeds; let us rather take the lead in stimulating the rest to valour.
Show yourselves to be the bravest of officers, and among generals, the worthiest
to command. For myself, if you choose to start forwards on this quest, I will
follow; or, if you bid me lead you, my age shall be no excuse to stand between
me and your orders. At least I am of full age, I take it, to avert misfortune
from my own head.”
Such were the speaker’s words; and the officers, when they heard, all, with
one exception, called upon him to put himself at their head. This was a certain
Apollonides there present, who spoke in the Boeotian dialect. This man’s opinion
was that it was mere nonsense for any one to pretend they could obtain safety
otherwise than by an appeal to the king, if he had skill to enforce it; and at
the same time he began to dilate on the difficulties. But Xenophon cut him short.
“O most marvellous of men! though you have eyes to see, you do not perceive; though
you have ears to hear, you do not recollect. You were present 27 with the rest
of us now here when, after the death of Cyrus, the king, vaunting himself on that
occurrence, sent dictatorially to bid us lay down our arms. But when we, instead
of giving up our arms, put them on and went and pitched our camp near him, his
manner changed. It is hard to say what he did not do, he was so at his wit’s end,
sending us embassies and begging for a truce, and furnishing provisions the while,
until he had got it. Or to take the contrary instance, when just now, acting precisely
on your principles, our generals and captains went, trusting to the truce, unarmed
to a conference with them, what came of it? what is happening at this instant?
Beaten, goaded with pricks, insulted, poor souls, they cannot even die: though
death, I ween, would be very sweet. And you, who know all this, how can you say
that it is mere nonsense to talk of self-defence? how can you bid us go again
and try the arts of persuasion? In my opinion, sirs, we ought not to admit this
fellow to the same rank with ourselves; rather ought we to deprive him of his
captaincy, and load him with packs and treat him as such. The man is a disgrace
to his own fatherland and the whole of Hellas, that, being a Hellene, he is what
he is.”
Here Agasias the Stymphalian broke in, exclaiming: “Nay, this fellow has no
connection either with Boeotia or with Hellas, none whatever. I have noted both
his ears bored like a Lydian’s.” And so it was. Him then they banished. But the
rest visited the ranks, and wherever a general was left, they summoned the general;
where he was gone, the lieutenant-general; and where again the captain alone was
left, the captain. As soon as they were all met, they seated themselves in front
of the place d’armes: the assembled generals and officers, numbering about a hundred.
It was nearly midnight when this took place.
Thereupon Hieronymous the Eleian, the eldest of Proxenus’s captains, commenced
speaking as follows: “Generals and captains, it seemed right to us, in view of
the present crisis, ourselves to assemble and to summon you, that we might advise
upon some practicable course. Would you, Xenophon, repeat what you said to us?”
Thereupon Xenophon spoke as follows: “We all know only too well, that 34 the
king and Tissaphernes have seized as many of us as they could, and it is clear
they are plotting to destroy the rest of us if they can. Our business is plain:
it is to do all we can to avoid getting into the power of the barbarians; rather,
if we can, we will get them into our power. Rely upon this then, all you who are
here assembled, now is your great opportunity. The soldiers outside have their
eyes fixed upon you; if they think that you are faint-hearted, they will turn
cowards; but if you show them that you are making your own preparations to attack
the enemy, and setting an example to the rest–follow you, be assured, they will:
imitate you they will. May be, it is but right and fair that you should somewhat
excel them, for you are generals, you are commanders of brigades or regiments;
and if, while it was peace, you had the advantage in wealth and position, so now,
when it is war, you are expected to rise superior to the common herd–to think
for them, to toil for them, whenever there be need.
“At this very moment you would confer a great boon on the army, if you made
it your business to appoint generals and officers to fill the places of those
that are lost. For without leaders nothing good or noble, to put it concisely,
was ever wrought anywhere; and in military matters this is absolutely true; for
if discipline is held to be of saving virtue, the want of it has been the ruin
of many ere now. Well, then! when you have appointed all the commanders necessary,
it would only be opportune, I take it, if you were to summon the rest of the soldiers
and speak some words of encouragement. Even now, I daresay you noticed yourselves
the crestfallen air with which they came into camp, the despondency with which
they fell to picket duty, so that, unless there is a change for the better, I
do not know for what service they will be fit; whether by night, if need were,
or even by day. The thing is to get them to turn their thoughts to what they mean
to do, instead of to what they are likely to suffer. Do that, and their spirits
will soon revive wonderfully. You know, I need hardly remind you, it is not numbers
or strength that gives victory in war; but, heaven helping them, to one or other
of two combatants it is 42 given to dash with stouter hearts to meet the foe,
and such onset, in nine cases out of ten, those others refuse to meet. This observation,
also, I have laid to heart, that they, who in matters of war seek in all ways
to save their lives, are just they who, as a rule, die dishonourably; whereas
they who, recognising that death is the common lot and destiny of all men, strive
hard to die nobly: these more frequently, as I observe, do after all attain to
old age, or, at any rate, while life lasts, they spend their days more happily.
This lesson let all lay to heart this day, for we are just at such a crisis of
our fate. Now is the season to be brave ourselves, and to stimulate the rest by
our example.”
With these words he ceased; and after him, Cheirisophus said: “Xenophon, hitherto
I knew only so much of you as that you were, I heard, an Athenian, but now I must
commend you for your words and for your conduct. I hope that there may be many
more like you, for it would prove a public blessing.” Then turning to the officers:
“And now,” said he, “let us waste no time; retire at once, I beg you, and choose
leaders where you need them. After you have made your elections, come back to
the middle of the camp, and bring the newly appointed officers. After that, we
will there summon a general meeting of the soldiers. Let Tolmides, the herald,”
he added, “be in attendance.” With these words on his lips he got up, in order
that what was needful might be done at once without delay. After this the generals
were chosen. These were Timasion the Dardanian, in place of Clearchus; Xanthicles,
an Achaean, in place of Socrates; Cleanor, an Arcadian, in place of Agias; Philesius,
an Achaean, in place of Menon; and in place of Proxenus, Xenophon the Athenian.
II
By the time the new generals had been chosen, the first faint glimmer 1 of
dawn had hardly commenced, as they met in the centre of the camp, and resolved
to post an advance guard and to call a general meeting of the soldiers. Now, when
these had come together, Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian first rose and spoke as
follows: “Fellow-soldiers, the present posture of affairs is not pleasant, seeing
that we are robbed of so many generals and captains and soldiers; and more than
that, our 2 former allies, Ariaeus and his men, have betrayed us; still, we must
rise above our circumstances to prove ourselves brave men, and not give in, but
try to save ourselves by glorious victory if we can; or, if not, at least to die
gloriously, and never, while we have breath in our bodies, fall into the hands
of our enemies. In which latter case, I fear, we shall suffer things, which I
pray the gods may visit rather upon those we hate.”
At this point Cleanor the Ochomenian stood up and spoke as follows: “You see,
men, the perjury and the impiety of the king. You see the faithlessness of Tissaphernes,
professing that he was next-door neighbour to Hellas, and would give a good deal
to save us, in confirmation of which he took an oath to us himself, he gave us
the pledge of his right hand, and then, with a lie upon his lips, this same man
turned round and arrested our generals. He had no reverence even for Zeus, the
god of strangers; but, after entertaining Clearchus at his own board as a friend,
he used his hospitality to delude and decoy his victims. And Ariaeus, whom we
offered to make king, with whom we exchanged pledges not to betray each other,
even this man, without a particle of fear of the gods, or respect for Cyrus in
his grave, though he was most honoured by Cyrus in lifetime, even he has turned
aside to the worst foes of Cyrus, and is doing his best to injure the dead man’s
friends. Them may the gods requite as they deserve! But we, with these things
before our eyes, will not any more be cheated and cajoled by them; we will make
the best fight we can, and having made it, whatever the gods think fit to send,
we will accept.”
After him Xenophon arose; he was arrayed for war in his bravest apparel[1]:
“For,” said he to himself, “if the gods grant victory, the finest attire will
match with victory best; or if I must needs die, then for one who has aspired
to the noblest, it is well there should be some outward correspondence between
his expectation and his end.” He began his speech as follows: “Cleanor has spoken
of the perjury and 8 faithlessness of the barbarians, and you yourselves know
them only too well, I fancy. If then we are minded to enter a second time into
terms of friendship with them, with the experience of what our generals, who in
all confidence entrusted themselves to their power, have suffered, reason would
we should feel deep despondency. If, on the other hand, we purpose to take our
good swords in our hands and to inflict punishment on them for what they have
done, and from this time forward will be on terms of downright war with them,
then, God helping, we have many a bright hope of safety.” The words were scarcely
spoken when someone sneezed[2], and with one impulse the soldiers bowed in worship;
and Xenophon proceeded: “I propose, sirs, since, even as we spoke of safety, an
omen from Zeus the Saviour has appeared, we vow a vow to sacrifice to the Saviour
thank-offerings for safe deliverance, wheresoever first we reach a friendly country;
and let us couple with that vow another of individual assent, that we will offer
to the rest of the gods ‘according to our ability.’ Let all those who are in favour
of this proposal hold up their hands.” They all held up their hands, and there
and then they vowed a vow and chanted the battle hymn. But as soon as these sacred
matters were duly ended, he began once more thus: “I was saying that many and
bright are the hopes we have of safety. First of all, we it is who confirm and
ratify the oaths we take by heaven, but our enemies have taken false oaths and
broken the truce, contrary to their solemn word. This being so, it is but natural
that the gods should be opposed to our enemies, but with ourselves allied; the
gods, who are able to make the great ones quickly small, and out of sore perplexity
can save the little ones with ease, what time it pleases them. In the next place,
let me recall to your minds the dangers of our own forefathers, that you may see
and 11 know that bravery is your heirloom, and that by the aid of the gods brave
men are rescued even out of the midst of sorest straits. So was it when the Persians
came, and their attendant hosts[3], with a very great armament, to wipe out Athens
from the face of the earth–the men of Athens had the heart to withstand them
and conquered them. Then they vowed to Artemis that for every man they slew of
the enemy, they would sacrifice to the goddess goats so many; and when they could
not find sufficient for the slain, they resolved to offer yearly five hundred;
and to this day they perform that sacrifice. And at a somewhat later date, when
Xerxes assembled his countless hosts and marched upon Hellas, then[4] too our
fathers conquered the forefathers of our foes by land and by sea.
[1] So it is said of the Russian General Skobelef, that he had a strange custom
of going into battle in his cleanest uniform, perfurmed, and wearing a diamond-hilted
sword, “in order that,” as he said, “he might die in his best attire.”
[2] For this ancient omen see “Odyssey,” xvii. 541: “Even as she spake, and
Telemachus sneezed loudly, and around the roof rung wondrously. And Penelope laughed.”
. . . “Dost thou not mark how my son has sneezed a blessing on all my words?”
[3] See Herod. vi. 114; the allusion is to the invasion of Greeze by Datis
and Artaphernes, and to their defeat at Marathon, B.C. 490. “Heredotus estimates
the number of those who fell on the Persian side at 6400 men: the number of Athenian
dead is accurately known, since all were collected for the last solemn obsequies–they
were 192.”–Grote, “Hist. of Greece,” vol. v. p. 475.
[4] Then = at Salamis, B.C. 480, and at Plataea and Mycale, B.C. 479, on the
same day.
“And proofs of these things are yet to be seen in trophies; but the greatest
witness of all is the freedom of our cities–the liberty of that land in which
you were born and bred. For you call no man master or lord; you bow your heads
to none save to the gods alone. Such were your forefathers, and their sons are
ye. Think not I am going to say that you put to shame in any way your ancestry–far
from it. Not many days since, you too were drawn up in battle face to face with
these true descendants of their ancestors, and by the help of heaven you conquered
them, though they many times outnumbered you. At that time, it was to win a throne
for Cyrus that you showed your bravery; to-day, when the struggle is for your
own salvation, what is more natural than that you should show yourselves braver
and more zealous still. Nay, it is very meet and right that you should be more
undaunted still to-day to face the foe. The other day, though you had not tested
them, and before your eyes lay their immeasurable host, you had the heart to go
against them with the spirit of your fathers. To-day you have made 16 trial of
them, and knowing that, however many times your number, they do not care to await
your onset, what concern have you now to be afraid of them?
“Nor let any one suppose that herein is a point of weakness, in that Cyrus’s
troops, who before were drawn up by your side, have now deserted us, for they
are even worse cowards still than those we worsted. At any rate they have deserted
us, and sought refuge with them. Leaders of the forlorn hope of flight–far better
is it to have them brigaded with the enemy than shoulder to shoulder in our ranks.
But if any of you is out of heart to think that we have no cavalry, while the
enemy have many squadrons to command, lay to heart this doctrine, that ten thousand
horse only equal ten thousand men upon their backs, neither less nor more. Did
any one ever die in battle from the bite or kick of a horse? It is the men, the
real swordsmen, who do whatever is done in battles. In fact we, on our stout shanks,
are better mounted than those cavalry fellows; there they hang on to their horses’
necks in mortal dread, not only of us, but of falling off; while we, well planted
upon earth, can deal far heavier blows to our assailants, and aim more steadily
at who we will. There is one point, I admit, in which their cavalry have the whip-hand
of us; it is safer for them than it is for us to run away.
“May be, however, you are in good heart about the fighting, but annoyed to
think that Tissaphernes will not guide us any more, and that the king will not
furnish us with a market any longer. Now, consider, is it better for us to have
a guide like Tissaphernes, whom we know to be plotting against us, or to take
our chance of the stray people whom we catch and compel to guide us, who will
know that any mistake made in leading us will be a sad mistake for their own lives?
Again, is it better to be buying provisions in a market of their providing, in
scant measure and at high prices, without even the money to pay for them any longer;
or, by right of conquest, to help ourselves, applying such measure as suits our
fancy best?
“Or again, perhaps you admit tht our present position is not without its advantages,
but you feel sure that the rivers are a difficulty, and think that you were never
more taken in than when you crossed 22 them; if so, consider whether, after all,
this is not perhaps the most foolish thing which the barbarians have done. No
river is impassable throughout; whatever difficulties it may present at some distance
from its source, you need only make your way up to the springhead, and there you
may cross it without wetting more than your ankles. But, granted that the rivers
do bar our passage, and that guides are not forthcoming, what care we? We need
feel no alarm for all that. We have heard of the Mysians, a people whom we certainly
cannot admit to be better than ourselves; and yet they inhabit numbers of large
and prosperous cities in the king’s own country without asking leave. The Pisidians
are an equally good instance, or the Lycaonians. We have seen with our own eyes
how they fare: seizing fortresses down in the plains, and reaping the fruits of
these men’s territory. As to us, I go so far as to assert, we ought never to have
let it be seen that we were bent on getting home: at any rate, not so soon; we
should have begun stocking and furnishing ourselves, as if we fully meant to settle
down for life somewhere or other hereabouts. I am sure that the king would be
thrice glad to give the Mysians as many guides as they like, or as many hostages
as they care to demand, in return for a safe conduct out of his country; he would
make carriage roads for them, and if they preferred to take their departure in
coaches and four, he would not say them nay. So too, I am sure, he would be only
too glad to accommodate us in the same way, if he saw us preparing to settle down
here. But, perhaps, it is just as well that we did not stop; for I fear, if once
we learn to live in idleness and to batten in luxury and dalliance with these
tall and handsome Median and Persian women and maidens, we shall be like the Lotus-eaters[5],
and forget the road home altogether.
[5] See “Odyssey,” ix. 94, “ever feeding on the Lotus and forgetful of returning.”
“It seems to me that it is only right, in the first instance, to make an effort
to return to Hellas and to revisit our hearths and homes, if only to prove to
other Hellenes that it is their own faults if they are poor and needy[6], seeing
it is in their power to give to those 26 now living a pauper life at home a free
passage hither, and convert them into well-to-do burghers at once. Now, sirs,
is it not clear that all these good things belong to whoever has strength to hold
them?
[6] Here seems to be the germ–unless, indeed, the thought had been conceived
above–here at any rate the first conscious expression of the colonisation scheme,
of which we shall hear more below, in reference to Cotyora; the Phasis; Calpe.
It appears again fifty years later in the author’s pamphlet “On Revenues,” chapters
i. and vi. For the special evils of the fourth century B.C., and the growth of
pauperism between B.C. 401 and 338, see Jebb, “Attic Orators,” vol i. p. 17.
“Let us look another matter in the face. How are we to march most safely? or
where blows are needed, how are we to fight to the best advantage? That is the
question.
“The first thing which I recommend is to burn the wagons we have got, so that
we may be free to march wherever the army needs, and not, practically, make our
baggage train our general. And, next, we should throw our tents into the bonfire
also: for these again are only a trouble to carry, and do not contribute one grain
of good either for fighting or getting provisions. Further, let us get rid of
all superfluous baggage, save only what we require for the sake of war, or meat
and drink, so that as many of us as possible may be under arms, and as few as
possible doing porterage. I need not remind you that, in case of defeat, the owners’
goods are not their own; but if we master our foes, we will make them our baggage
bearers.
“It only rests for me to name the one thing which I look upon as the greatest
of all. You see, the enemy did not dare to bring war to bear upon us until they
had first seized our generals; they felt that whilst our rulers were there, and
we obeyed them, they were no match for us in war; but having got hold of them,
they fully expected that the consequent confusion and anarchy would prove fatal
to us. What follows? This: Officers and leaders ought to be more vigilant ever
than their predecessors; subordinates still more orderly and obedient to those
in command now than even they were to those who are gone. And you should pass
a resolution that, in case of insubordination, any one 31 who stands by is to
aid the officer in chastising the offender. So the enemy will be mightily deceived;
for on this day they will behold ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who
will not suffer one man to play the coward. And now it is high time I brought
my remarks to an end, for may be the enemy will be here anon. Let those who are
in favour of these proposals confirm them with all speed, that they may be realised
in fact; or if any other course seem better, let not any one, even though he be
a private soldier, shrink from proposing it. Our common safety is our common need.”
After this Cheirisophus spoke. He said: “If there is anything else to be done,
beyond what Xenophon has mentioned, we shall be able to carry it out presently;
but with regard to what he has already proposed, it seems to me the best course
to vote upon the matters at once. Those who are in favour of Xenophon’s proposals,
hold up their hands.” They all held them up. Xenophon rose again and said: “Listen,
sirs, while I tell you what I think we have need of besides. It is clear that
we must march where we can get provisions. Now, I am told there are some splendid
villages not more than two miles and a half distant. I should not be surprised,
then, if the enemy were to hang on our heels and dog us as we retire, like cowardly
curs which rush out at the passer-by and bite him if they can, but when you turn
upon them they run away. Such will be their tactics, I take it. It may be safer,
then, to march in a hollow square, so as to place the baggage animals and our
mob of sutlers in greater security. It will save time to make the appointments
at once, and to settle who leads the square and directs the vanguard; who will
take command of the two flanks, and who of the rearguard; so that, when the enemy
appears, we shall not need to deliberate, but can at once set in motion the machinery
in existence.
“If any one has any better plan, we need not adopt mine; but if not, suppose
Cheirisophus takes the lead, as he is a Lacedaemonian, and the two eldest generals
take in charge the two wings respectively, whilst Timasion and I, the two youngest,
will for the present guard the rear. 37 For the rest, we can but make experiment
of this arrangement, and alter it with deliberation, as from time to time any
improvement suggests itself. If any one has a better plan to propose, let him
do so.” . . . No dissentient voice was heard. Accordingly he said: “Those in favour
of this resolution, hold up their hands.” The resolution was carried. “And now,”
said he, “it would be well to separate and carry out what we have decreed. If
any of you has set his heart on seeing his friends again, let him remember to
prove himself a man; there is no other way to achieve his heart’s wish. Or is
mere living an object with any of you, strive to conquer; if to slay is the privilege
of victory, to die is the doom of the defeated. Or perhaps to gain money and wealth
is your ambition, strive again for mastery; have not conquerors the double gain
of keeping what is their own, whilst they seize the possessions of the vanquished?”
III
The speaking was ended; they got up and retired; then they burnt the 1 wagons
and the tents, and after sharing with one another what each needed out of their
various superfluities, they threw the remnant into the fire. Having done that,
they proceeded to make their breakfasts. While they were breakfasting, Mithridates
came with about thirty horsemen, and summoning the generals within earshot, he
thus addressed them: “Men of Hellas, I have been faithful to Cyrus, as you know
well, and to-day I am your well-wisher; indeed, I am here spending my days in
great fear: if then I could see any salutory course in prospect, I should be disposed
to join you with all my retainers. Please inform me, then, as to what you propose,
regarding me as your friend and well-wisher, anxious only to pursue his march
in your company.” The generals held council, and resolved to give the following
answer, Cheirisophus acting as spokesman: “We have resolved to make our way through
the country, inflicting the least possible damage, provided we are allowed a free
passage homewards; but if any one tries to hinder 3 us, he will have to fight
it out with us, and we shall bring all the force in our power to bear.” Thereat
Mithridates set himself to prove to them that their deliverance, except with the
king’s good pleasure, was hopeless. Then the meaning of his mission was plain.
He was an agent in disguise; in fact, a relation of Tissaphernes was in attendance
to keep a check on his loyalty. After that, the generals resolved that it would
be better to proclaim open war, without truce or herald, as long as they were
in the enemy’s country; for they used to come and corrupt the soldiers, and they
were even successful with one officer–Nicarchus[1], an Arcadian, who went off
in the night with about twenty men.
[1] Can this be the same man whose escape is so graphically described above?
After this, they breakfasted and crossed the river Zapatas, marching in regular
order, with the beasts and mob of the army in the middle. They had not advanced
far on their route when Mithridates made his appearance again, with about a couple
of hundred horsemen at his back, and bowmen and slingers twice as many, as nimble
fellows as a man might hope to see. He approached the Hellenes as if he were friendly;
but when they had got fairly to close quarters, all of a sudden some of them,
whether mounted or on foot, began shooting with their bows and arrows, and another
set with slings, wounding the men. The rearguard of the Hellenes suffered for
a while severely without being able to retaliate, for the Cretans had a shorter
range than the Persians, and at the same time, being light-armed troops, they
lay cooped up within the ranks of the heavy infantry, while the javelin men again
did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy’s slingers. This being so, Xenophon
thought there was nothing for it but to charge, and charge they did; some of the
heavy and light infantry, who were guarding the rear, with him; but for all their
charging they did not catch a single man.
The dearth of cavalry told against the Hellenes; nor were their infantry able
to overhaul the enemy’s infantry, with the long start they had, and considering
the shortness of the race, for it was out of the question to pursue them far from
the main body of the army. On the 10 other hand, the Asiatic cavalry, even while
fleeing, poured volleys of arrows behind their backs, and wounded the pursuers;
while the Hellenes must fall back fighting every step of the way they had measured
in the pursuit; so that by the end of that day they had not gone much more than
three miles; but in the late afternoon they reached the villages.
Here there was a return of the old despondency. Cheirisophus and the eldest
of the generals blamed Xenophon for leaving the main body to give chase and endangering
himself thereby, while he could not damage the enemy one whit the more. Xenophon
admitted that they were right in blaming him: no better proof of that was wanted
than the result. “The fact is,” he added, “I was driven to pursue; it was too
trying to look on and see our men suffer so badly, and be unable to retaliate.
However, when we did charge, there is no denying the truth of what you say; we
were not a whit more able to injure the enemy, while we had considerable difficulty
in beating a retreat ourselves. Thank heaven they did not come upon us in any
great force, but were only a handful of men; so that the injury they did us was
not large, as it might have been; and at least it has served to show us what we
need. At present the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range, so that our Cretan
archers are no match for them; our hand-throwers cannot reach as far; and when
we pursue, it is not possible to push the pursuit to any great distance from the
main body, and within the short distance no foot-soldier, however fleet of foot,
could overtake another foot-soldier who has a bow-shot the start of him. If, then,
we are to exclude them from all possibility of injuring us as we march, we must
get slingers as soon as possible and cavalry. I am told there are in the army
some Rhodians, most of whom, they say, know how to sling, and their missile will
reach even twice as far as the Persian slings (which, on account of their being
loaded with stones as big as one’s fist, have a comparatively short range; but
the Rhodians are skilled in the use of leaden bullets[2]). Suppose, then, we investigate
and 18 find out first of all who among them possess slings, and for these slings
offer the owner the money value; and to another, who will plait some more, hand
over the money price; and for a third, who will volunteer to be enrolled as a
slinger, invent some other sort of privilege, I think we shall soon find people
to come forward capable of helping us. There are horses in the army I know; some
few with myself, others belonging to Clearchus’s stud, and a good many others
captured from the enemy, used for carrying baggage. Let us take the pick of these,
supplying their places by ordinary baggage animals, and equipping the horses for
cavalry. I should not wonder if our troopers gave some annoyance to these fugitives.”
[2] These words sound to me like an author’s note, parenthetically, and perhaps
inadvertently, inserted into the text. It is an “aside” to the reader, which in
a modern book would appear as a footnote.
These proposals were carried, and that night two hundred slingers were enrolled,
and next day as many as fifty horse and horsemen passed muster as duly qualified;
buff jackets and cuirasses were provided for them, and a commandant of cavalry
appointed to command–Lycius, the son of Polystratus, by name, an Athenian.
IV
That day they remained inactive, but the next they rose earlier than 1 usual,
and set out betimes, for they had a ravine to cross, where they feared the enemy
might attack them in the act of crossing. When they were across, Mithridates appeared
again with one thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of four
thousand. This whole body he had got by request from Tissaphernes, and in return
he undertook to deliver up the Hellenes to Tissaphernes. He had grown contemptuous
since his late attack, when, with so small a detachment, he had done, as he thought,
a good deal of mischief, without the slightest loss to himself.
When the Hellenes were not only right across, but had got about a mile from
the ravine, Mithridates also crossed with his forces. An order had been passed
down the lines, what light infantry and what heavy infantry were to take part
in the pursuit; and the cavalry were instructed to follow up the pursuit with
confidence, as a considerable 3 support was in their rear. So, when Mithridates
had come up with them, and they were well within arrow and sling shot, the bugle
sounded the signal to the Hellenes; and immediately the detachment under orders
rushed to close quarters, and the cavalry charged. There the enemy preferred not
to wait, but fled towards the ravine. In this pursuit the Asiatics lost several
of their infantry killed, and of their cavalry as many as eighteen were taken
prisoners in the ravine. As to those who were slain the Hellenes, acting upon
impulse, mutilated their bodies, by way of impressing their enemy with as frightful
an image as possible.
So fared the foe and so fell back; but the Hellenes, continuing their march
in safety for the rest of that day, reached the river Tigris. Here they came upon
a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa[1]: a place inhabited by
the Medes in days of old; the breadth of its walls was twenty-five feet, and the
height of them a hundred, and the circuit of the whole two parasangs. It was built
of clay-bricks, supported on a stone basis twenty feet high. This city the king
of the Persians[2] besieged, what time the Persians strove to snatch their empire
from the Medes, but he could in no wise take it; then a cloud hid the face of
the sun and blotted out the light thereof, until the inhabitants were gone out
of the city, and so it was taken. By the side of this city there was a stone pyramid
in breadth a hundred feet, and in height two hundred feet; in it were many of
the barbarians who had fled for refuge from the neighbouring villages.
[1] Larissa, on the side of the modern Nimrud (the south-west corner, as is
commonly supposed, of Nineveh). The name is said to mean “citadel,” and is given
to various Greek cities (of which several occur in Xenophon).
[2] I.e. Cyrus the Great.
From this place they marched one stage of six parasangs to a great deserted
fortress [which lay over against the city], and the name of that city was Mespila[3].
The Medes once dwelt in it. The basement was 10 made of polished stone full of
shells; fifty feet was the breadth of it, and fifty feet the height; and on this
basement was reared a wall of brick, the breadth whereof was fifty feet and the
height thereof four hundred; and the circuit of the wall was six parasangs. Hither,
as the story goes, Medea[4], the king’s wife, betook herself in flight what time
the Medes lost their empire at the hands of the Persians. To this city also the
king of the Pesians laid siege, but could not take it either by length of days
or strength of hand. But Zeus sent amazement on the inhabitants thereof, and so
it was taken.
[3] Opposite Mosul, the north-west portion of the ancient Nineveh, about eighteen
miles above Larissa. The circuit of Nineveh is said to have been about fifty-six
miles. It was overthrown by Cyrus in B.C. 558.
[4] The wife of Astyages, the last king of Media. Some think “the wall of Media”
should be “Medea’s wall,” constructed in the period of Queen Nitocris, B.C. 560.
From this place they marched one stage–four parasangs. But, while still on
this stage, Tissaphernes made his appearance. He had with him his own cavalry
and a force belonging to Orontas, who had the king’s daughter to wife; and there
were, moreover, with them the Asiatics whom Cyrus had taken with him on his march
up; together with those whom the king’s brother had brought as a reinforcement
to the king; besides those whom Tissaphernes himself had received as a gift from
the king, so that the armament appeared to be very great. When they were close,
he halted some of his regiments at the rear and wheeled others into position on
either flank, but hesitated to attack, having no mind apparently to run any risks,
and contenting himself with an order to his slingers to sling and his archers
to shoot. But when the Rhodian slingers and the bowmen[5], posted at intervals,
retaliated, and every shot told (for with the utmost pains to miss it would have
been hard to do so under the circumstanecs), then Tissaphernes with all speed
retired out of range, the other regiments following suit; and for the rest of
the day the one party advanced and the other followed. But now the Asiatics had
ceased to be dangerous with their sharpshooting. For the Rhodians could reach
further than the Persian 16 slingers, or, indeed, than most of the bowmen. The
Persian bows are of great size, so that the Cretans found the arrows which were
picked up serviceable, and persevered in using their enemies’ arrows, and practised
shooting with them, letting them fly upwards to a great height[6]. There were
also plenty of bowstrings found in the villages–and lead, which they turned to
account for their slings. As a result of this day, then, the Hellenes chancing
upon some villages had no sooner encamped than the barbarians fell back, having
had distinctly the worst of it in the skirmishing.
[5] The best MSS read {Skuthai}, Scythians; if this is correct, it is only
the technical name for “archers.” Cf. Arrian, “Tact.” ii. 13. The police at Athens
were technically so called, as being composed of Scythian slaves. Cf. Aristoph.
“Thesm.” 1017.
[6] I.e., in practising, in order to get the maximum range they let fly the
arrows, not horizontally, but up into the air. Sir W. Raleigh (Hist. of the World,
III. x. 8) says that Xenophon “trained his archers to short compass, who had been
accustomed to the point blank,” but this is surely not Xenophon’s meaning.
The next day was a day of inaction: they halted and took in supplies, as there
was much corn in the villages; but on the day following, the march was continued
through the plain (of the Tigris), and Tissaphernes still hung on their skirts
with his skirmishers. And now it was that the Hellenes discovered the defect of
marching in a square with an enemy following. As a matter of necessity, whenever
the wings of an army so disposed draw together, either where a road narrows, or
hills close in, or a bridge has to be crossed, the heavy infantry cannot help
being squeezed out of their ranks, and march with difficulty, partly from actual
pressure, and partly from the general confusion that ensues. Or, supposing the
wings are again extended, the troops have hardly recovered from their former distress
before they are pulled asunder, and there is a wide space between the wings, and
the men concerned lose confidence in themselves, especially with an enemy close
behind. What happened, when a bridge had to be crossed or other passage effected,
was, that each unit of the force pressed on in anxiety to get over first, and
at these moments it was easy for the enemy to make an attack. The generals accordingly,
having recognsied the defect, set about curing it. To do so, they made six lochi,
or divisions of a hundred men apiece, each of which had its own set of captains
and under-officers in command of half and quarter companies. 21 It was the duty
of these new companies, during a march, whenever the flanks needed to close in,
to fall back to the rear, so as to disencumber the wings. This they did by wheeling
clear of them. When the sides of the oblong again extended, they filled up the
interstices, if the gap were narrow, by columns of companies, if broader, by columns
of half-companies, or, if broader still, by columns of quarter-companies, so that
the space between was always filled up. If again it were necessary to effect a
passage by bridge or otherwise, there was no confusion, the several companies
crossing in turns; or, if the occasion arose to form in line of battle, these
companies came up to the front and fell in[7].
[7] In the passage above I have translated {lokhoi} companies, and, as usual,
{lokhagoi} captains. The half company is technically called a pentecostys, and
a quarter company an enomoty, and the officers in charge of them respectively
penteconter and enomotarch. These would be equivalent nearly to our subalterns
and sergeants, and in the evolutions described would act as guides and markers
in charge of their sections. Grote thinks there were six companies formed on each
flank–twelve in all. See “Hist. of Greece,” vol. ix. p. 123, note (1st ed.)
In this way they advanced four stages, but ere the fifth was completed, they
came in sight of a palace of some sort, with villages clustered round it; they
could further see that the road leading to this place pursued its course over
high undulating hillocks, the spur of the mountain range, under which lay the
village. These knolls were a welcome sight to the Hellenes, naturally enough,
as the enemy were cavalry. However, when they had issued from the plain and ascended
the first crest, and were in the act of descending it so as to mount the next,
at this juncture the barbarians came upon them. From the high ground down the
sheer steep they poured a volley of darts, slingstones, and arrows, which they
discharged “under the lash[8],” wounding many, until they got the better of the
Hellenic light troops, and drove them for shelter behind the heavy infantry, so
that this day that arm was altogether useless, huddling in the mob of sutlers,
both 26 slingers and archers alike.
[8] I.e. the Persian leaders were seen flogging their men to the attack. Cf.
Herod. vii. 22. 3.
But when the Hellenes, being so pressed, made an attempt to pursue, they could
barely scale to the summit, being heavy-armed troops, while the enemy as lightly
sprung away; and they suffered similarly in retiring to join the rest of the army.
And then, on the second hill, the whole had to be gone through again; so that
when it came to the third hillock, they determined not to move the main body of
troops from their position until they had brought up a squadron of light infantry
from the right flank of the square to a point on the mountain range. When this
detachment were once posted above their pursuers, the latter desisted from attacking
the main body in its descent, for fear of being cut off and finding themselves
between two assailants. Thus the rest of the day they moved on in two divisions:
one set keeping to the road by the hillocks, the other marching parallel on the
higher level along the mountains; and thus they reached the villages and appointed
eight surgeons to attend to the many wounded.
Here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded chiefly, while a further
inducement was the plentiful supply of provisions which they found, wheat and
wine, and large stores of barley laid up for horses. These supplies had been collected
by the ruling satrap of the country. On the fourth day they began their descent
into the plain; but when Tissaphernes overtook them, necessity taught them to
camp in the first village they caught sight of, and give over the attempt of marching
and fighting simultaneously, as so many were hors de combat, being either on the
list of wounded themselves, or else engaged in carrying the wounded, or laden
with the heavy arms of those so occupied. But when they were once encamped, and
the barbarians, advancing upon the village, made an attempt to harass them with
their sharp-shooters, the superiority of the Hellenes was pronounced. To sustain
a running fight with an enemy constantly attacking was one thing; to keep him
at arm’s length from a fixed base of action another: and the difference was much
in their favour.
But when it was late afternoon, the time had come for the enemy to 34 withdraw,
since the habit of the barbarian was never to encamp within seven or eight miles
of the Hellenic camp. This he did in apprehension of a night attack, for a Persian
army is good for nothing at night. Their horses are haltered, and, as a rule,
hobbled as well, to prevent their escaping, as they might if loose; so that, if
any alarm occurs, the trooper has to saddle and bridle his horse, and then he
must put on his own cuirass, and then mount–all which performances are difficult
at night and in the midst of confusion. For this reason they always encamped at
a distance from the Hellenes.
When the Hellenes perceived that they were preparing to retire, and that the
order was being given, the herald’s cry, “Pack up for starting,” might be heard
before the enemy was fairly out of earshot. For a while the Asiatics paused, as
if unwilling to be gone; but as night closed in, off they went, for it did not
suit their notions of expediency to set off on a march and arrive by night. And
now, when the Hellenes saw that they were really and clearly gone, they too broke
up their camp and pursued their march till they had traversed seven and a half
miles. Thus the distance between the two armies grew to be so great, that the
next day the enemy did not appear at all, nor yet on the third day; but on the
fourth the barbarians had pushed on by a forced night march and occupied a commanding
position on the right, where the Hellenes had to pass. It was a narrow mountain
spur[9] overhanging the descent into the plain.
[9] Lit. “a mere nail tip.”
But when Cheirisophus saw that this ridge was occupied, he summoned Xenophon
from the rear, bidding him at the same time to bring up peltasts to the front.
That Xenophon hesitated to do, for Tissaphernes and his whole army were coming
up and were well within sight. Galloping up to the front himself, he asked: “Why
do you summon me?” The other answered him: “The reason is plain; look yonder;
this crest which overhangs our descent has been occupied. There is no passing,
39 until we have dislodged these fellows; why have you not brought up the light
infantry?” Xenophon explained: he had not thought it desirable to leave the rear
unprotected, with an enemy appearing in the field of view. “However, it is time,”
he added, “to decide how we are to dislodge these fellows from the crest.” At
this moment his eye fell on the peak of the mountain, rising immediately above
their army, and he could see an approach leading from it to the crest in question
where the enemy lay. He exclaimed: “The best thing we can do, Cheirisophus, is
to make a dash at the height itself, and with what speed we may. If we take it,
the party in command of the road will never be able to stop. If you like, stay
in command of the army, and I will go; or, if you prefer, do you go to the mountain,
and I will stay here.”–“I leave it to you,” Cheirisophus answered, “to choose
which you like best.” Xenophon remarking, “I am the younger,” elected to go; but
he stipulated for a detachment from the front to accompany him, since it was a
long way to fetch up troops from the rear. Accordingly Cheirisophus furnished
him with the light infantry from the front, reoccupying their place by those from
the centre. He also gave him, to form part of the detachment, the three hundred
of the picked corps[10] under his own command at the head of the square.
[10] Some think that these three hundred are three of the detached companies
described above; others, that they were a picked corps in attendance on the commander-in-chief.
They set out from the low ground with all the haste imaginable. But the enemy
in position on the crest no sooner perceived their advance upon the summit of
the pass than they themselves set off full tilt in a rival race for the summit
too. Hoarse were the shouts of the Hellenic troops as the men cheered their companions
forwards, and hoarse the answering shouts from the troops of Tissaphernes, urging
on theirs. Xenophon, mounted on his charger, rode beside his men, and roused their
ardour the while. “Now for it, brave sirs; bethink you that this race is for Hellas!–now
or never!–to find your boys, your wives; one small effort, and the rest of the
march we shall pursue in peace, without ever a blow to strike; now for it.” But
Soteridas the Sicyonian said: “We are not on equal terms, Xenophon; you are mounted
47 on a horse; I can hardly get along with my shield to carry;” and he, on hearing
the reproach, leapt from his horse. In another instant he had pushed Soteridas
from the ranks, snatched from him his shield, and begun marching as quickly as
he might under the circumstances, having his horseman’s cuirass to carry as well,
so that he was sore pressed; but he continued to cheer on the troops: exhorting
those in front to lead on and the men toiling behind to follow up[11]. Soteridas
was not spared by the rest of the men. They gave him blows, they pelted him, they
showered him with abuse, till they compelled him to take back his shield and march
on; and the other, remounting, led them on horseback as long as the footing held;
but when the ground became too steep, he left his horse and pressed forward on
foot, and so they found themselves on the summit before the enemy.
[11] Some MSS. “and the men behind to pass him by, as he could but ill keep
up the pace.”
V
There and then the barbarians turned and fled as best they might, and 1 the
Hellenes held the summit, while the troops with Tissaphernes and Ariaeus turned
aside and disappeared by another road. The main body with Cheirisophus made its
way down into the plain and encamped in a village filled with good things of divers
sorts. Nor did this village stand alone; there were others not a few in this plain
of the Tigris equally overflowing with plenty. It was now afternoon; and all of
a sudden the enemy came in sight on the plain, and succeeded in cutting down some
of the Hellenes belonging to parties who were scattered over the flat land in
quest of spoil. Indeed, many herds of cattle had been caught whilst being conveyed
across to the other side of the river. And now Tissaphernes and his troops made
an attempt to burn the villages, and some of the Hellenes were disposed to take
the matter deeply to heart, being apprehensive that they might not know where
to get provisions if the enemy burnt the villages.
Cheirisophus and his men were returning from their sally of defence when Xenophon
and his party descended, and the latter rode along the 4 ranks as the rescuing
party came up, and greeted them thus: “Do you not see, men of Hellas, they admit
that the country is now ours; what they stipulated against our doing when they
made the treaty, viz. that we were not to fire the king’s country, they are now
themselves doing–setting fire to it as if it were not their own. But we will
be even with them; if they leave provisions for themselves anywhere, there also
shall they see us marching;” and, turning to Cheirisophus, he added: “But it strikes
me, we should sally forth against these incendiaries and protect our country.”
Cheirisophus retorted: “That is not quite my view; I say, let us do a little burning
ourselves, and they will cease all the quicker.”
When they had got back to the villages, while the rest were busy about provisions,
the generals and officers met: and here there was deep despondency. For on the
one side were exceedingly high mountains; on the other a river of such depth that
they failed to reach the bottom with their spears. In the midst of their perplexities,
a Rhodian came up with a proposal, as follows: “I am ready, sirs to carry you
across, four thousand heavy infantry at a time; if you will furnish me with what
I need and give me a talent into the bargain for my pains.” When asked, “What
shall you need?” he replied: “Two thousand wine-skins. I see there are plenty
of sheep and goats and asses. They have only to be flayed, and their skins inflated,
and they will readily give us a passage. I shall want also the straps which you
use for the baggage animals. With these I shall couple the skins to one another;
then I shall moor each skin by attaching stones and letting them down like anchors
into the water. Then I shall carry them across, and when I have fastened the links
at both ends, I shall place layers of wood on them and a coating of earth on the
top of that. You will see in a minute that there’s no danger of your drowning,
for every skin will be able to support a couple of men without sinking, and the
wood and earth will prevent your slipping off.”
The generals thought it a pretty invention enough, but its realisation impracticable,
for on the other side were masses of cavalry posted and ready to bar the passage;
who, to begin with, would not suffer the 12 first detachment of crossers to carry
out any item of the programme.
Under these circumstances, the next day they turned right about face, and began
retracing their steps in the direction of Babylon to the unburnt villages, having
previously set fire to those they left, so that the enemy did not ride up to them,
but stood and stared, all agape to see in what direction the Hellenes would betake
themselves and what they were minded to do. Here, again, while the rest of the
soldiers were busy about provisions, the generals and officers met in council,
and after collecting the prisoners together, submitted them to a cross-examination
touching the whole country round, the names, and so forth, of each district.
The prisoners informed them that the regions south, through which they had
come, belonged to the district towards Babylon and Media; the road east led to
Susa and Ecbatana, where the king is said to spend summer and spring; crossing
the river, the road west led to Lydia and Ionia; and the part through the mountains
facing towards the Great Bear, led, they said, to the Carduchians[1]. They were
a people, so said the prisoners, dwelling up on the hills, addicted to war, and
not subject to the king; so much so that once, when a royal army one hundred and
twenty thousand strong had invaded them, not a man came back, owing to the intricacies
of the country. Occasionally, however, they made truce or treaty with the satrap
in the plain, and, for the nonce, there would be intercourse: “they will come
in and out amongst us,” “and we will go in and out amongst them,” said the captives.
[1] See Dr. Kiepert, “Man. Anc. Geog. (Mr. G. A. Macmillan) iv. 47. The Karduchians
or Kurds belong by speech to the Iranian stock, forming in fact their farthest
outpost to the west, little given to agriculture, but chiefly to the breeding
of cattle. Their name, pronounced Kardu by the ancient Syrians and Assyrians,
Kordu by the Armenians (plural Kordukh), first appears in its narrower sense in
western literature in the pages of the eye-witness Xenophon as {Kardoukhoi}. Later
writers knew of a small kingdom here at the time of the Roman occupation, ruled
by native princes, who after Tigranes II (about 80 B.C.) recognised the overlordship
of the Armenian king. Later it became a province of the Sassanid kingdom, and
as such was in 297 A.D. handed over among the regiones transtigritanae to the
Roman empire, but in 364 was again ceded to Persia.
After hearing these statements, the generals seated apart those who 17 claimed
to have any special knowledge of the country in any direction; they put them to
sit apart without making it clear which particular route they intended to take.
Finally the resolution to which they came was that they must force a passage through
the hills into the territory of the Kurds; since, according to what their informants
told them, when they had once passed these, they would find themselves in Armenia–the
rich and large territory governed by Orontas; and from Armenia, it would be easy
to proceed in any direction whatever. Thereupon they offered sacrifice, so as
to be ready to start on the march as soon as the right moment appeared to have
arrived. Their chief fear was that the high pass over the mountains must be occupied
in advance: and a general order was issued, that after supper every one should
get his kit together for starting, and repose, in readiness to follow as soon
as the word of command was given.
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