The Anabasis book 1

Xenophon

Anabasis

or March Up Country

BOOK I

Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was named Artaxerxes, and the
younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of life drew near,
he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as it chanced, was already
there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from the province over which he had made
him satrap, having appointed him general moreover of all the forces that muster
in the plain of the Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes
as his friend, and accompanied also by a body of Hellenes, three hundred heavy
armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian[1].

[1] Parrhasia, a district and town in the south-west of Arcadia.

Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the kingdom, Tissaphernes
brought slanderous accusations against Cyrus before his brother, the king, of
harbouring designs against him. And Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissaphernes,
laid hands upon Cyrus, desiring to put him to death; but his mother made intercession
for him, and sent him back again in safety to his province. He then, having so
escaped through peril and dishonour, fell to considering, not only how he might
avoid ever again being in his brother’s power, but how, if possible, he might
become king in his stead. Parysatis, his mother, was his first resource; for she
had more love for Cyrus than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover Cyrus’s
behaviour towards all who came to him from the king’s court was such that, when
he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to 5 the king
his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own service; but trained
them, at once to be capable as warriors and devoted adherents of himself. Lastly,
he began collecting his Hellenic armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that
he might take the king as far as might be at unawares.

The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as follows:
First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the cities (so held by
him), bidding them to get together as large a body of picked Peloponnesian troops
as they severally were able, on the plea that Tissaphernes was plotting against
their cities; and truly these cities of Ionia had originally belonged to Tissaphernes,
being given to him by the king; but at this time, with the exception of Miletus,
they had all revolted to Cyrus. In Miletus, Tissaphernes, having become aware
of similar designs, had forestalled the conspirators by putting some to death
and banishing the remainder. Cyrus, on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and
having collected an army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavouring
to reinstate the exiles; and this gave him another pretext for collecting an armament.
At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being the king’s brother,
that these cities should be given to himself rather than that Tissaphernes should
continue to govern them; and in furtherance of this end, the queen, his mother,
co-operated with him, so that the king not only failed to see the design against
himself, but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on armaments in order
to make war on Tissaphernes. Nor did it pain him greatly to see the two at war
together, and the less so because Cyrus was careful to remit the tribute due to
the king from the cities which belonged to Tissaphernes.

A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over against Abydos,
the origin of which was as follows: There was a Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus,
with whom Cyrus had become associated. Cyrus admired the man, and made him a present
of ten thousand darics[2]. Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised
9 an army, and using the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to work to
fight the Thracians north of the Hellespont, in the interests of the Hellenes,
and with such happy result that the Hellespontine cities, of their own accord,
were eager to contribute funds for the support of his troops. In this way, again,
an armament was being secretly maintained for Cyrus.

[2] A Persian gold coin = 125.55 grains of gold.

Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus’s friend[3], who, under pressure
of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus and asked him for pay
for two thousand mercenaries, to be continued for three months, which would enable
him, he said, to gain the upper hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting
him with six months’ pay for four thousand mercenaries–only stipulating that
Aristippus should not come to terms with his antagonists without final consultation
with himself. In this way he secured to himself the secret maintenance of a fourth
armament.

[3] Lit. “guest-friend.” Aristippus was, as we learn from the “Meno” of Plato,
a native of Larisa, of the family of the Aleuadae, and a pupil of Gorgias. He
was also a lover of Menon, whom he appears to have sent on this expedition instead
of himself.

Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get together
as many men as possible, and join him in an expedition which he meditated against
the Pisidians[4], who were causing annoyance to his territory. Similarly two other
friends, Sophaenetus the Stymphalian[5], and Socrates the Achaean, had orders
to get together as many men as possible and come to him, since he was on the point
of opening a campaign, along with Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes. These
orders were duly carried out by the officers in question.

[4] Lit. “into the country of the Pisidians.”

[5] Of Stymphalus in Arcadia.

II

But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he 1 should
begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put forward was his desire
to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the country; and he began collecting both
his Asiatic and his Hellenic armaments, avowedly against that people. From Sardis
in each direction his orders sped: to Clearchus, to join him there with the whole
of his army; to Aristippus, to come to terms with those at home, and to despatch
to him the troops in his employ; to Xenias the Arcadian, who was acting as general-in-chief
of the foreign troops in the cities, to present himself with all the men available,
excepting only those who were actually needed to garrison the citadels. He next
summoned the troops at present engaged in the siege of Miletus, and called upon
the exiles to follow him on his intended expedition, promising them that if he
were successful in his object, he would not pause until he had reinstated them
in their native city. To this invitation they hearkened gladly; they believed
in him; and with their arms they presented themselves at Sardis. So, too, Xenias
arrived at Sardis with the contingent from the cities, four thousand hoplites;
Proxenus, also, with fifteen hundred hoplites and five hundred light-armed troops;
Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, with one thousand hoplites; Socrates the Achaean,
with five hundred hoplites; while the Megarion Pasion came with three hundred
hoplites and three hundred peltasts[1]. This latter officer, as well as Socrates,
belonged to the force engaged against Miletus. These all joined him at Sardis.

[1] “Targeteers” armed with a light shield instead of the larger one of the
hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great use of this arm at a
later date.

But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment so large
pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia: so he argued; and with
what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended by about five hundred horse.
The king, on his side, had no sooner heard from Tissaphernes of Cyrus’s great
armament, than he began to make counter-preparations.

Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out from Sardis, and marched
on and on through Lydia three stages, making two-and-twenty parasangs[2], to the
river Maeander. That river is two hundred feet[3] broad, and was spanned by a
bridge consisting of seven boats. Crossing it, he marched through Phrygia a single
stage, of eight parasangs, to Colossae, an inhabited city[4], prosperous and 6
large. Here he remained seven days, and was joined by Menon the Thessalian, who
arrived with one thousand hoplites and five hundred peltasts, Dolopes, Aenianes,
and Olynthians. From this place he marched three stages, twenty parasangs in all,
to Celaenae, a populous city of Phrygia, large and prosperous. Here Cyrus owned
a palace and a large park[5] full of wild beasts, which he used to hunt on horseback,
whenever he wished to give himself or his horses exercise. Through the midst of
the park flows the river Maeander, the sources of which are within the palace
buildings, and it flows through the city of Celaenae. The great king also has
a palace in Celaenae, a strong place, on the sources of another river, the Marsyas,
at the foot of the acropolis. This river also flows through the city, discharging
itself into the Maeander, and is five-and-twenty feet broad. Here is the place
where Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas, when he had conquered him in the
contest of skill. He hung up the skin of the conquered man, in the cavern where
the spring wells forth, and hence the name of the river, Marsyas. It was on this
site that Xerxes, as tradition tells, built this very palace, as well as the citadel
of Celaenae itself, on his retreat from Hellas, after he had lost the famous battle.
Here Cyrus remained for thirty days, during which Clearchus the Lacedaemonian
arrived with one thousand hoplites and eight hundred Thracian peltasts and two
hundred Cretan archers. At the same time, also, came Sosis the Syracusian with
three thousand hoplites, and Sophaenetus the Arcadian[6] with one thousand hoplites;
and here Cyrus held a review, and numbered his Hellenes in the park, and found
that they amounted in all to eleven thousand hoplites and about two thousand peltasts.

[2] The Persian “farsang” = 30 stades, nearly 1 league, 3 1/2 statute miles,
though not of uniform value in all parts of Asia.

[3] “Two plethra”: the plethron = about 101 English feet.

[4] Lit. “inhabited,” many of the cities of Asia being then as now deserted,
but the suggestion is clearly at times “thickly inhabited,” “populous.”

[5] Lit. “paradise,” an oriental word = park or pleasure ground.

[6] Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael suggests.
Sophaenetus has already been named above.

From this place he continued his march two stages–ten parasangs–to 10 the
populous city of Peltae, where he remained three days; while Xenias, the Arcadian,
celebrated the Lycaea[7] with sacrifice, and instituted games. The prizes were
headbands of gold; and Cyrus himself was a spectator of the contest. From this
place the march was continued two stages–twelve parasangs–to Ceramon-agora,
a populous city, the last on the confines of Mysia. Thence a march of three stages–thirty
parasangs–brought him to Caystru-pedion[8], a populous city. Here Cyrus halted
five days; and the soldiers, whose pay was now more than three months in arrear,
came several times to the palace gates demanding their dues; while Cyrus put them
off with fine words and expectations, but could not conceal his vexation, for
it was not his fashion to stint payment, when he had the means. At this point
Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, arrived on a visit to
Cyrus; and it was said that Cyrus received a large gift of money from the queen.
At this date, at any rate, Cyrus gave the army four months’ pay. The queen was
accompanied by a bodyguard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and, if report speaks
truly, Cyrus had intimate relations with the queen.

[7] The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeus {Arcaios}, akin to the
Roman Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival, the introduction of
which the Romans ascribe to the Arcadian Evander.

[8] Lit. “plain of the Cayster,” like Ceramon-agora, “the market of the Ceramians”
above, the name of a town.

From this place he marched two stages–ten parasangs–to Thymbrium, a populous
city. Here, by the side of the road, is the spring of Midas, the king of Phrygia,
as it is called, where Midas, as the story goes, caught the satyr by drugging
the spring with wine. From this place he marched two stages–ten parasangs–to
Tyriaeum, a populous city. Here he halted three days; and the Cilician queen,
according to the popular account, begged Cyrus to exhibit his armament for her
amusement. The latter being only too glad to make such an exhibition, held a review
of the Hellenes and barbarians in the plain. He ordered the Hellenes to draw up
their lines and post themselves in their customary battle order, each general
marshalling his own battalion. Accordingly they drew up four-deep. The right was
held by Menon and those with him; the 15 left by Clearchus and his men; the centre
by the remaining generals with theirs. Cyrus first inspected the barbarians, who
marched past in troops of horses and companies of infantry. He then inspected
the Hellenes; driving past them in his chariot, with the queen in her carriage.
And they all had brass helmets and purple tunics, and greaves, and their shields
uncovered[9].

[9] I.e. ready for action, c.f. “bayonets fixed”.

After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his chariot in front of
the centre of the battle-line, and sent his interpreter Pigres to the generals
of the Hellenes, with orders to present arms and to advance along the whole line.
This order was repeated by the generals to their men; and at the sound of the
bugle, with shields forward and spears in rest, they advanced to meet the enemy.
The pace quickened, and with a shout the soldiers spontaneously fell into a run,
making in the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of the barbarians. The
Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled; the sutlers in the marketing place
left their wares and took to their heels; and the Hellenes meanwhile came into
camp with a roar of laughter. What astounded the queen was the brilliancy and
order of the armament; but Cyrus was pleased to see the terror inspired by the
Hellenes in the hearts of the Asiatics.

From this place he marched on three stages–twenty parasangs–to Iconium, the
last city of Phrygia, where he remained three days. Thence he marched through
Lycaonia five stages–thirty parasangs. This was hostile country, and he gave
it over to the Hellenes to pillage. At this point Cyrus sent back the Cilician
queen to her own country by the quickest route; and to escort her he sent the
soldiers of Menon, and Menon himself. With the rest of the troops he continued
his march through Cappadocia four stages–twenty-five parasangs–to Dana, a populous
city, large and flourishing. Here they halted three days, within which interval
Cyrus put to death, on a charge of conspiracy, a Persian nobleman named Megaphernes,
a wearer of the royal purple; and along with him another high dignitary among
his subordinate commanders.

From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into Cilicia. Now 21 the
entrance was by an exceedingly steep cart-road, impracticable for an army in face
of a resisting force; and report said that Syennesis was on the summit of the
pass guarding the approach. Accordingly they halted a day in the plain; but next
day came a messenger informing them that Syenesis had left the pass; doubtless,
after perceiving that Menon’s army was already in Cilicia on his own side of the
mountains; and he had further been informed that ships of war, belonging to the
Lacedaemonians and to Cyrus himself, with Tamos on board as admiral, were sailing
round from Ionia to Cilicia. Whatever the reason might be, Cyrus made his way
up into the hills without let or hindrance, and came in sight of the tents where
the Cilicians were on guard. From that point he descended gradually into a large
and beautiful plain country, well watered, and thickly covered with trees of all
sorts and vines. This plain produces sesame plentifully, as also panic and millet
and barley and wheat; and it is shut in on all sides by a steep and lofty wall
of mountains from sea to sea. Descending through this plain country, he advanced
four stages–twenty-five parasangs–to Tarsus, a large and prosperous city of
Cilicia. Here stood the palace of Syennesis, the king of the country; and through
the middle of the city flows a river called the Cydnus, two hundred feet broad.
They found that the city had been deserted by its inhabitants, who had betaken
themselves, with Syennesis, to a strong place on the hills. All had gone, except
the tavern-keepers. The sea-board inhabitants of Soli and Issi also remained.
Now Epyaxa, Syennesis’s queen, had reached Tarsus five days in advance of Cyrus.
During their passage over the mountains into the plain, two companies of Menon’s
army were lost. Some said they had been cut down by the Cilicians, while engaged
on some pillaging affair; another account was that they had been left behind,
and being unable to overtake the main body, or discover the route, had gone astray
and perished. However it was, they numbered one hundred hoplites; and when the
rest arrived, being in a fury at the destruction of their fellow soldiers, they
vented their spleen by pillaging the city of Tarsus and the palace to boot. Now
when Cyrus had marched into the city, he sent for Syennesis to come to him; but
26 the latter replied that he had never yet put himself into the hands of any
one who was his superior, nor was he willing to accede to the proposal of Cyrus
now; until, in the end, his wife persuaded him, and he accepted pledges of good
faith. After this they met, and Syennesis gave Cyrus large sums in aid of his
army; while Cyrus presented him with the customary royal gifts–to wit, a horse
with a gold bit, a necklace of gold, a gold bracelet, and a gold scimitar, a Persian
dress, and lastly, the exemption of his territory from further pillage, with the
privilege of taking back the slaves that had been seized, wherever they might
chance to come upon them.

III

At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty days; the soldiers 1 refusing
to advance further, since the suspicion ripened in their minds, that the expedition
was in reality directed against the king; and as they insisted, they had not engaged
their services for that object. Clearchus set the example of trying to force his
men to continue their march; but he had no sooner started at the head of his troops
than they began to pelt him and his baggage train, and Clearchus had a narrow
escape of being stoned to death there and then. Later on, when he perceived that
force was useless, he summoned an assembly of his own men; and for a long while
he stood and wept, while the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke
as follows: “Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on account
of the present troubles. Cyrus has been no ordinary friend to me. When I was in
banishment he honoured me in various ways, and made me also a present of ten thousand
darics. These I accepted, but not to lay them up for myself for private use; not
to squander them in pleasure, but to expend them on yourselves. And, first of
all, I went to war with the Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked vengeance
on them in behalf of Hellas; driving them out of the Chersonese, when they wanted
to deprive its Hellenic inhabitants of their lands. But as soon as Cyrus summoned
me, I took you with me and set out, so that, if my benefactor had any need of
me, I might requite him for the good treatment I myself had received at his hands.
. . . But since you are not minded to continue the march with me, one of two things
is left to 5 me to do; either I must renounce you for the sake of my friendship
with Cyrus, or I must go with you at the cost of deceiving him. Whether I am about
to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose yourselves; and, whatever betide,
I mean to share your fate. Never shall it be said of me by any one that, having
led Greek troops against the barbarians[1], I betrayed the Hellenes, and chose
the friendship of the barbarian. No! since you do not choose to obey and follow
me, I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I will share your fate. I look upon
you as my country, my friends, my allies; with you I think I shall be honoured,
wherever I be; without you I do not see how I can help a friend or hurt a foe.
My decision is taken. Wherever you go, I go also.”

[1] Lit. “into the country of the barbarian.”

Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, but the rest also,
when they heard what he said, and how he had scouted the idea of going up to the
great king’s palace[2], expressed their approval; and more than two thousand men
deserted Xenias and Pasion, and took their arms and baggage-train, and came and
encamped with Clearchus. But Cyrus, in despair and vexation at this turn of affairs,
sent for Clearchus. He refused to come; but, without the knowledge of the soldiers,
sent a message to Cyrus, bidding him keep a good heart, for that all would arrange
itself in the right way; and bade him keep on sending for him, whilst he himself
refused to go. After that he got together his own men, with those who had joined
him, and of the rest any who chose to come, and spoke as follows: “Fellow soldiers,
it is clear that the relations of Cyrus to us are identical with ours to him.
We are no longer his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow him; and he, on
his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no doubt considers himself
wronged by us; and though he goes on sending for me, I cannot bring myself to
go to him: for two reasons, chiefly from a sense of shame, for I am forced to
admit to myself that I have altogether deceived him; but partly, too, because
I am afraid of his seizing me and inflicting a penalty on the wrongs which he
conceives 11 that I have done him. In my opinion, then, this is no time for us
to go to sleep and forget all about ourselves, rather it is high time to deliberate
on our next move; and as long as we do remain here, we had better bethink us how
we are to abide in security; or, if we are resolved to turn our backs at once,
what will be the safest means of retreat; and, further, how we are to procure
supplies, for without supplies there is no profit whatsoever in the general or
the private soldier. The man with whom we have to deal is an excellent friend
to his friends, but a very dangerous enemy to his foes. And he is backed by a
force of infantry and cavalry and ships such as we all alike very well see and
know, since we can hardly be said to have posted ourselves at any great distance
from him. If, then, any one has a suggestion to make, now is the time to speak.”
With these words he ceased.

[2] Or “how he insisted that he was not going up.”

Then various speakers stood up; some of their own motion to propound their
views; others inspired by Clearchus to dilate on the hopeless difficulty of either
staying, or going back without the goodwill of Cyrus. One of these, in particular,
with a make-believe of anxiety to commence the homeward march without further
pause, called upon them instantly to choose other generals, if Clearchus were
not himself prepared to lead them back: “Let them at once purchase supplies” (the
market being in the heart of the Asiatic camp), “let them pack up their baggage:
let them,” he added, “go to Cyrus and ask for some ships in order to return by
sea: if he refused to give them ships, let them demand of him a guide to lead
them back through a friendly district; and if he would not so much as give them
a guide, they could but put themselves, without more ado, in marching order, and
send on a detachment to occupy the pass–before Cyrus and the Cilicians, whose
property,” the speaker added, “we have so plentifully pillaged, can anticipate
us.” Such were the remarks of that speaker; he was followed by Clearchus, who
merely said: “As to my acting personally as general at this season, pray do not
propose it: I can see numerous obstacles to my doing so. Obedience, in the fullest,
I can render to the man of 15 your choice, that is another matter: and you shall
see and know that I can play my part, under command, with the best of you.”

After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and proceeded to point out the
simplicity of the speaker, who proposed to ask for vessels, just as if Cyrus were
minded to renounce the expedition and sail back again. “And let me further point
out,” he said, “what a simple-minded notion it is to beg a guide of the very man
whose designs we are marring. If we can trust any guide whom Cyrus may vouchsafe
to us, why not order Cyrus at once to occupy the pass on our behoof? For my part,
I should think twice before I set foot on any ships that he might give us, for
fear lest he should sink them with his men-of-war; and I should equally hesitate
to follow any guide of his: he might lead us into some place out of which we should
find it impossible to escape. I should much prefer, if I am to return home against
the will of Cyrus at all, to give him the slip, and so begone: which indeed is
impossible. But these schemes are simply nonsensical. My proposal is that a deputation
of fit persons, with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus: let them go to Cyrus and ask
him: what use he proposes to make of us? and if the business is at all similar
to that on which he once before employed a body of foreigners–let us by all means
follow: let us show that we are the equals of those who accompanied him on his
much up formerly. But if the design should turn out to be of larger import than
the former one–involving more toil and more danger–we should ask him, either
to give us good reasons for following his lead, or else consent to send us away
into a friendly country. In this way, whether we follow him, we shall do so as
friends, and with heart and soul, or whether we go back, we shall do so in security.
The answer to this shall be reported to us here, and when we have heard it, we
will advise as to our best course.”

This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a deputation with Clearchus,
who put to Cyrus the questions which had been agreed upon by the army. Cyrus replied
as follows: That he had received news that Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was posted
on the Euphrates, twelve stages 20 off; his object was to march against this aforesaid
Abrocomas: and if he were still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him,
“or if he be fled” (so the reply concluded), “we will there deliberate on the
best course.” The deputation received the answer and reported it to the soldiers.
The suspicion that he was leading them against the king was not dispelled; but
it seemed best to follow him. They only demanded an increase of pay, and Cyrus
promised to give them half as much again as they had hitherto received–that is
to say, a daric and a half a month to each man, instead of a daric. Was he really
leading them to attack the king? Not even at this moment was any one apprised
of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner.

IV

From this point he marched two stages–ten parasangs–to the river 1 Psarus,
which is two hundred feet broad, and from the Psarus he marched a single stage–five
parasangs–to Issi, the last city in Cilicia. It lies on the seaboard–a prosperous,
large and flourishing town. Here they halted three days, and here Cyrus was joined
by his fleet. There were thirty-five ships from Peloponnesus, with the Lacedaemonian
admiral Pythagoras on board. These had been piloted from Ephesus by Tamos the
Egyptian, who himself had another fleet of twenty-five ships belonging to Cyrus.
These had formed Tamos’s blockading squadron at Miletus, when that city sided
with Tissaphernes; he had also used them in other military services rendered to
Cyrus in his operations against that satrap. There was a third officer on board
the fleet, the Lacedaemonian Cheirisophus, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and
had brought with him seven hundred hoplites, over whom he was to act as general
in the service of Cyrus. The fleet lay at anchor opposite Cyrus’s tent. Here too
another reinforcement presented itself. This was a body of four hundred hoplites,
Hellenic mercenaries in the service of Abrocomas, who 3 deserted him for Cyrus,
and joined in the campaign against the king.

From Issi, he marched a single stage–five parasangs–to the gates of Cilicia
and Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer one, which protects
Cilicia, was held by Syennesis and a garrison of Cilicians; the outer and further
one, protecting Syria, was reported to be garrisoned by a body of the king’s troops.
Through the gap between the two fortresses flows a river named the Carsus, which
is a hundred feet broad, and the whole space between was scarcely more than six
hundred yards. To force a passage here would be impossible, so narrow was the
pass itself, with the fortification walls stretching down to the sea, and precipitous
rocks above; while both fortresses were furnished with gates. It was the existence
of this pass which had induced Cyrus to send for the fleet, so as to enable him
to lead a body of hoplites inside and outside the gates; and so to force a passage
through the enemy, if he were guarding the Syrian gate, as he fully expected to
find Abrocomas doing with a large army. This, however, Abrocomas had not done;
but as soon as he learnt that Cyrus was in Cilicia, he had turned round and made
his exit from Phoenicia, to join the king with an army amounting, as report said,
to three hundred thousand men.

From this point Cyrus pursued his march, through Syria a single stage–five
parasangs–to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians, on the sea-coast. This
was a commercial port, and numerous merchant vessels were riding at anchor in
the harbour. Here they halted seven days, and here Xenias the Arcadian general,
and Pasion the Megarian got on board a trader, and having stowed away their most
valuable effects, set sail for home; most people explained the act as the outcome
of a fit of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to retain their men,
who had deserted to him, in hopes of returning to Hellas instead of marching against
the king; when the two had so vanished, a rumour spread that Cyrus was after them
with some ships of war, and some hoped the cowards might be caught, others pitied
them, if that should be their fate.

But Cyrus summoned the generals and addressed them: “Xenias and 8 Pasion,”
he said, “have taken leave of us; but they need not flatter themselves that in
so doing they have stolen into hiding. I know where they are gone; nor will they
owe their escape to speed; I have men-of-war to capture their craft, if I like.
But heaven help me! if I mean to pursue them: never shall it be said of me, that
I turn people to account as long as they stay with me, but as soon as they are
minded to be off, I seize and maltreat them, and strip them of their wealth. Not
so! let them go with the consciousness that our behaviour to them is better than
theirs to us. And yet I have their children and wives safe under lock and key
in Tralles; but they shall not be deprived even of these. They shall receive them
back in return for their former goodness to me.” So he spoke, and the Hellenes,
even those who had been out of heart at the thought of marching up the country,
when they heard of the nobleness of Cyrus, were happier and more eager to follow
him on his path.

After this Cyrus marched onwards four stages–twenty parasangs–to the river
Chalus. That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with tame fish which
the Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be injured–and so too the
pigeons of the place. The villages in which they encamped belonged to Parysatis,
as part of her girdle money[1]. From this point he marched on five stages–thirty
parasangs–to the sources of the river Dardas, which is a hundred feet broad.
Here stood the palace of Belesys, the ruler of Syria, with its park–which was
a very large and beautiful one, and full of the products of all the seasons in
their course. But Cyrus cut down the park and burnt the palace. Thence he marched
on three stages–fifteen parasangs–to the river Euphrates, which is nearly half
a mile broad. A large and 11 flourishing city, named Thapsacus, stands on its
banks. Here they halted five days, and here Cyrus sent for the generals of the
Hellenes, and told them that the advance was now to be upon Babylon, against the
great king; he bade them communicate this information to the soldiers and persuade
them to follow. The generals called an assembly, and announced the news to the
soldiers. The latter were indignant and angry with the generals, accusing them
of having kept secret what they had long known; and refused to go, unless such
a bribe of money were given them as had been given to their predecessors, when
they went up with Cyrus to the court of his father, not as now to fight a battle,
but on a peaceful errand–the visit of a son to his father by invitation. The
demand was reported to Cyrus by the generals, and he undertook to give each man
five silver minae as soon as Babylon was reached, and their pay in full, until
he had safely conveyed them back to Ionia again. In this manner the Hellenic force
were persuaded–that is to say, the majority of them. Menon, indeed, before it
was clear what the rest of the soldiers would do–whether, in fact they would
follow Cyrus or not–collected his own troops apart and made them the following
speech; “Men,” he said, “if you will listen to me, there is a method by which,
without risk or toil, you may win the special favour of Cyrus beyond the rest
of the soldiers. You ask what it is I would have you to do? I will tell you. Cyrus
at this instant is begging the Hellenes to follow him to attack the king. I say
then: Cross the Euphrates at once, before it is clear what answer the rest will
make; if they vote in favour of following, you will get the credit of having set
the example, and Cyrus will be grateful to you. He will look upon you as being
the heartiest in his cause; he will repay, as of all others he best knows how;
while, if the rest vote against crossing, we shall go back again; but as the sole
adherents, whose fidelity he can altogether trust, it is you whom Cyrus will turn
to account, as commandants of garrisons or captains of companies. You need only
ask him for whatever you want, and you will get it from him, as being the friends
of Cyrus.

[1] Cf. Plat. “Alcib.” i. 123 B. “Why, I have been informed by a credible person,
who went up to the king (at Susa), that he passed through a large tract of excellent
land, extending for nearly a day’s journey, which the people of the country called
the queen’s girdle, and another which they called her veil,” etc. Olympiodorus
and the Scholiast both think that Plato here refers to Xenophon and this passage
of the “Anabasis.” Grote thinks it very probable that Plato had in his mind Xenophon
(either his “Anabasis” or personal communications with him).

The men heard and obeyed, and before the rest had given their answer, they
were already across. But when Cyrus perceived that Menon’s troops 16 had crossed,
he was well pleased, and he sent Glus to the division in question, with this message:
“Soldiers, accept my thanks at present; eventually you shall thank me. I will
see to that, or my name is not Cyrus.” The soldiers therefore could not but pray
heartily for his success; so high their hopes ran. But to Menon, it was said,
he sent gifts with lordly liberality. This done, Cyrus proceeded to cross; and
in his wake followed the rest of the armament to a man. As they forded, never
a man was wetted above the chest: nor ever until this moment, said the men of
Thapascus, had the river been so crossed on foot, boats had always been required;
but these, at the present time, Abrocomas, in his desire to hinder Cyrus from
crossing, had been at pains to burn. Thus the passage was looked upon as a thing
miraculous; the river had manifestly retired before the face of Cyrus, like a
courtier bowing to his future king. From this place he continued his march through
Syria nine stages–fifty parasangs–and they reached the river Araxes. Here were
several villages full of corn and wine; in which they halted three days, and provisioned
the army.

V

Thence he marched on through Arabia, keeping the Euphrates on the 1 right,
five desert stages–thirty-five parasangs. In this region the ground was one long
level plain, stretching far and wide like the sea, full of absinth; whilst all
the other vegetation, whether wood or reed, was sweet scented like spice or sweet
herb; there were no trees; but there was wild game of all kinds–wild asses in
greatest abundance, with plenty of ostriches; besides these, there were bustards
and antelopes. These creatures were occasionally chased by the cavalry. The asses,
when pursued, would run forward a space, and then stand still–their pace being
much swifter than that of horses; and as soon as the horses came close, they went
through the same performance. The only way to catch them was for the riders to
post themselves at intervals, and to hunt them in relays, as it were. The flesh
of those they captured was not unlike venison, only more tender. No one was lucky
enough to capture an ostrich. Some of the troopers did give chase, but it had
soon to be abandoned; for the bird, in its effort to escape, speedily put a long
interval between itself and its 3 pursuers; plying its legs at full speed, and
using its wings the while like a sail. The bustards were not so hard to catch
when started suddenly; for they only take short flights, like partridges, and
are soon tired. Their flesh is delicious.

As the army wended its way through this region, they reached the river Mascas,
which is one hundred feet in breadth. Here stood a big deserted city called Corsote,
almost literally environed by the stream, which flows round it in a circle. Here
they halted three days and provisioned themselves. Thence they continued their
march thirteen desert stages–ninety parasangs–with the Euphrates still on their
right, until they reached the Gates. On these marches several of the baggage animals
perished of hunger, for there was neither grass nor green herb, or tree of any
sort; but the country throughout was barren. The inhabitants make their living
by quarrying millstones on the river banks, which they work up and take to Babylon
and sell, purchasing corn in exchange for their goods. Corn failed the army, and
was not to be got for money, except in the Lydian market open in Cyrus’s Asiatic
army; where a kapithe of wheat or barley cost four shekels; the shekel being equal
to seven and a half Attic obols, whilst the kapithe is the equivalent of two Attic
choeneces[1], dry measure, so that the soldiers subsisted on meat alone for the
whole period. Some of the stages were very long, whenever they had to push on
to find water or fodder; and once they found themselves involved in a narrow way,
where the deep clay presented an obstacle to the progress of the wagons. Cyrus,
with the nobles about him, halted to superintend the operation, and ordered Glus
and Pigres to take a body of barbarians and to help in extricating the wagons.
As they seemed to be slow about the business, he turned round angrily to the Persian
nobles and bade them lend a hand to force the wagons out. Then, if ever, what
goes to constitute one branch of good discipline, was to be witnessed. Each of
those addressed, just where he chanced to be 8 standing, threw off his purple
cloak, and flung himself into the work with as much eagerness as if it had been
a charge for victory. Down a steep hill side they flew, with their costly tunics
and embroidered trousers–some with the circlets round their necks, and bracelets
on their arms–in an instant, they had sprung into the miry clay, and in less
time than one could have conceived, they had landed the wagons safe on terra firma.

[1] The choenix = about 1 quart (or, according to others, 1 1/2 pint). It was
the minimum allowance of corn for a man, say a slave, per diem. The Spartan was
allowed at the public table 2 choenices a day.

Altogether it was plain that Cyrus was bent on pressing on the march, and averse
to stoppages, except where he halted for the sake of provisioning or some other
necessary object; being convinced that the more rapidly he advanced, the less
prepared for battle would he find the king; while the slower his own progress,
the larger would be the hostile army which he would find collected. Indeed, the
attentive observer could see, at a glance, that if the king’s empire was strong
in its extent of territory and the number of inhabitants, that strength is compensated
by an inherent weakness, dependent upon the length of roads and the inevitable
dispersion of defensive forces, where an invader insists upon pressing home the
war by forced marches.

On the opposite side of the Euphrates to the point reached on one of these
desert stages, was a large and flourishing city named Charmande. From this town
the soldiers made purchases of provisions, crossing the river on rafts, in the
following fashion: They took the skins which they used as tent coverings, and
filled them with light grass; they then compressed and stitched them tightly together
by the ends, so that the water might not touch the hay. On these they crossed
and got provisions: wine made from the date-nut, and millet or panic-corn, the
common staple of the country. Some dispute or other here occurred between the
soldiers of Menon and Clearchus, in which Clearchus sentenced one of Menon’s men,
as the delinquent, and had him flogged. The man went back to his own division
and told them. Hearing what had been done to their comrade, his fellows fretted
and fumed, and were highly incensed against Clearchus. The same day Clearchus
visited the passage of the river, and after inspecting the market there, was returning
with a few followers, on horseback, to his tent, and had to 12 pass through Menon’s
quarters. Cyrus had not yet come up, but was riding up in the same direction.
One of Menon’s men, who was splitting wood, caught sight of Clearchus as he rode
past, and aimed a blow at him with his axe. The aim took no effect; when another
hurled a stone at him, and a third, and then several, with shouts and hisses.
Clearchus made a rapid retreat to his own troops, and at once ordered them to
get under arms. He bade his hoplites remain in position with their shields resting
against their knees, while he, at the head of his Thracians and horsemen, of which
he had more than forty in his army–Thracians for the most part–advanced against
Menon’s soldiers, so that the latter, with Menon himself, were panic-stricken,
and ran to seize their arms; some even stood riveted to the spot, in perplexity
at the occurrence. Just then Proxenus came up from behind, as chance would have
it, with his division of hoplites, and without a moment’s hesitation marched into
the open space between the rival parties, and grounded arms; then he fell to begging
Clearchus to desist. The latter was not too well pleased to hear his trouble mildly
spoken of, when he had barely escaped being stoned to death; and he bade Proxenus
retire and leave the intervening space open. At this juncture Cyrus arrived and
inquired what was happening. There was no time for hesitation. With his javelins
firmly grasped in his hands he galloped up–escorted by some of his faithful bodyguard,
who were present–and was soon in the midst, exclaiming: “Clearchus, Proxenus,
and you other Hellenes yonder, you know not what you do. As surely as you come
to blows with one another, our fate is sealed–this very day I shall be cut to
pieces, and so will you: your turn will follow close on mine. Let our fortunes
once take an evil turn, and these barbarians whom you see around will be worse
foes to us than those who are at present serving the king.” At these words Clearchus
came to his senses. Both parties paused from battle, and retired to their quarters:
order reigned.

VI

As they advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), they came upon 1 the
hoof-prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked like the trail
of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army, these fellows burnt up
the grass and everything else that was good for use. Now there was a Persian,
named Orontas; he was closely related to the king by birth: and in matters pertaining
to war reckoned among the best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war
with Cyrus, and afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a conspiracy to destroy
him. he made a proposal to Cyrus: if Cyrus would furnish him with a thousand horsemen,
he would deal with these troopers, who were burning down everything in front of
them; he would lay an ambuscade and cut them down, or he would capture a host
of them alive; in any case, he would put a stop to their agressiveness and burnings;
he would see to it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on Cyrus’s
army and reporting its advent to the king. The proposal seemed plausible to Cyrus,
who accordingly authorised Orontas to take a detachment from each of the generals,
and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his horsemen ready to his hand, wrote
a letter to the king, announcing that he would ere long join him with as many
troopers as he could bring; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal
cavalry to welcome him as a friend. The letter further contained certain reminders
of his former friendship and fidelity. This despatch he delivered into the hands
of one who was a trusty messenger, as he thought; but the bearer took and gave
it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it. Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his tent
seven of the noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent orders to
the Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to take
up a position round his tent. This the generals did; bringing up about three thousand
hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to assist at the court-martial; a
compliment due to the position he held among the other generals, in the opinion
not only of Cyrus, but also of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported
the circumstances of the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery) to
his friends. He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these words: “I have invited
you hither, my friends, that I may take advice with you, and carry out whatever,
in the sight of God and man, it is right for me to do, as concerning the man before
you, Orontas. The 6 prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father,
to be my faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words, under
the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of Sardis, he went
to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to think it more prudent to
desist from war with me: whereupon we shook hands, exchanging solemn pledges.
After that,” and at this point Cyrus turned to Orontas, and addressed him personally–“after
that, did I do you any wrong?” Answer, “Never.” Again another question: “Then
later on, having received, as you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt to
the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you lay?”–“I did,” was the
reply. “Then, once more having discovered the limits of your power, did you flee
to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you repented? and did you thus work upon
my feelings, that we a second time shook hands and made interchange of solemn
pledges? Are these things so?” Orontas again assented. “Then what injury have
you received from me,” Cyrus asked, “that now for the third time, you have been
detected in a treasonous plot against me?”–“I must needs do so,” he answered.
Then Cyrus put one more question: “But the day may come, may it not, when you
will once again be hostile to my brother, and a faithful friend to myself?” The
other answered: “Even if I were, you could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus.”

At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said: “Such has been
the conduct of the prisoner in the past: such is his language now. I now call
upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your opinion–what think you?”
And Clearchus answered: “My advice to you is to put this man out of the way as
soon as may be, so that we may be saved the necessity of watching him, and have
more leisure, as far as he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose
friendship is sincere.”–“To this opinion,” he told us, “the rest of the court
adhered.” After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present, 10 in turn,
including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him by the girdle; which is as much as
to say, “Let him die the death,” and then those appointed led him out; and they
who in old days were wont to do obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that
moment, from bowing down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to
death.

After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest of Cyrus’s
wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or dead. No one, of his
own knowledge, could declare the manner of his death; though some conjectured
one thing and some another. No tomb to mark his resting-place, either then or
since, was ever seen.

VII

From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia three stages–twelve 1 parasangs.
Now, on the third stage, about midnight, Cyrus held a review of the Hellenes and
Asiatics in the plain, expecting that the king would arrive the following day
with his army to offer battle. He gave orders to Clearchus to take command of
the right wing, and to Menon the Thessalian of the left, while he himself undertook
to the disposition of his own forces in person. After the review, with the first
approach of day, deserters from the great king arrived, bringing Cyrus information
about the royal army. Then Cyrus summoned the generals and captains of the Hellenes,
and held a council of war to arrange the plan of battle. He took this opportunity
also to address the following words of compliment and encouragement to the meeting:
“Men of Hellas,” he said, “it is certainly not from dearth of barbarians to fight
my battles that I put myself at your head as my allies; but because I hold you
to be better and stronger than many barbarians. That is why I took you. See then
that you prove yourselves to be men worthy of the liberty which you possess, and
which I envy you. Liberty–it is a thing which, be well assured, I would choose
in preference to all my other possessions, multiplied many times. But I would
like you to know into what sort of struggle you are going: learn its nature from
one who knows. Their numbers are great, and they come on with much noise; but
if you can hold out against these two things, I confess I am ashamed to think,
what a sorry set of folk you will 4 find the inhabitants of this land to be. But
you are men, and brave you must be, being men: it is agreed; then if you wish
to return home, any of you, I undertake to send you back, in such sort that your
friends at home shall envy you; but I flatter myself I shall persuade many of
you to accept what I will offer you here, in lieu of what you left at home.”

Here Gaulites, a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of Cyrus, being present,
exclaimed: “Ay, Cyrus, but some say you can afford to make large promises now,
because you are in the crisis of impending danger; but let matters go well with
you, will you recollect? They shake their heads. Indeed, some add that, even if
you did recollect, and were ever so willing, you would not be able to make good
all your promises, and repay.” When Cyrus heard that, he answered: “You forget,
sirs, my father’s empire stretches southwards to a region where men cannot dwell
by reason of the heat, and northwards to a region uninhabitable through cold;
but all the intervening space is mapped out in satrapies belonging to my brother’s
friends: so that if the victory be ours, it will be ours also to put our friends
in possession in their room. On the whole my fear is, not that I may not have
enough to give to each of my friends, but lest I may not have friends enough on
whom to bestow what I have to give, and to each of you Hellenes I will give a
crown of gold.”

So they, when they heard these words, were once more elated than ever themselves,
and spread the good news among the rest outside. And there came into his presence
both the generals and some of the other Hellenes also, claiming to know what they
should have in the event of victory; and Cyrus satisfied the expectations of each
and all, and so dismissed them. Now the advice and admonition of all who came
into conversation with him was, not to enter the battle himself, but to post himself
in rear of themselves; and at this season Clearchus put a question to him: “But
do you think that your brother will give battle 9 to you, Cyrus?” and Cyrus answered:
“Not without a battle, be assured, shall the prize be won; if he be the son of
Darius and Parysatis, and a brother of mine.”

In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers were as follows:
Of Hellenes there were ten thousand four hundred heavy infantry with two thousand
five hundred targeteers, while the barbarians with Cyrus reached a total of one
hundred thousand. He had too about twenty scythe-chariots. The enemy’s forces
were reported to number one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred scythe-chariots,
besides which he had six thousand cavalry under Artagerses. These formed the immediate
vanguard of the king himself. The royal army was marshalled by four generals or
field-marshals, each in command of three hundred thousand men. Their names were
Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. (But of this total not more than
nine hundred thousand were engaged in the battle, with one hundred and fifty scythe-chariots;
since Abrocomas, on his march from Phoenicia, arrived five days too late for the
battle.) Such was the information brought to Cyrus by deserters who came in from
the king’s army before the battle, and it was corroborated after the battle by
those of the enemy who were taken prisoners.

From this place Cyrus advanced one stage–three parasangs–with the whole body
of his troops, Hellenic and barbarian alike in order of battle. He expected the
king to give battle the same day, for in the middle of this day’s march a deep
sunk trench was reached, thirty feet broad, and eighteen feet deep. The trench
was carried inland through the plain, twelve parasang’s distance, to the wall
of Media[1]. [Here are canals, flowing from the river Tigris; they are four in
number, each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn ships plying upon
15 them; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, and are at intervals of one
parasang apart, and are spanned by bridges.]

[1] For “the wall of Media” see Grote, “Hist. of Greece,” vol. ix. p. 87 and
foll. note 1 (1st ed.), and various authorities there quoted or referred to. The
next passage enclosed in [] may possibly be a commentator’s or editor’s note,
but, on the whole, I have thought it best to keep the words in the text instead
of relegating them, as heretofore, to a note. Perhaps some future traveller may
clear up all difficulties.

Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow passage, twenty feet only
in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great king upon hearing
of Cyrus’s approach, to serve as a line of defence. Through this narrow passage
then Cyrus and his army passed, and found themselves safe inside the trench. So
there was no battle to be fought with the king that day; only there were numerous
unmistakable traces of horse and infantry in retreat. Here Cyrus summoned Silanus,
his Ambraciot soothsayer, and presented him with three thousand darics; because
eleven days back, when sacrificing, he had told him that the king would not fight
within ten days, and Cyrus had answered: “Well, then, if he does not fight within
that time, he will not fight at all; and if your prophecy comes true, I promise
you ten talents.” So now, that the ten days were passed, he presented him with
the above sum.

But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus’s army at the trench,
Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have abandoned the idea of offering
battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced with less than his former caution. On
the third day he was conducting the march, seated in his carriage, with only a
small body of troops drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving
on in no kind of order: the soldiers having consigned their heavy arms to be carried
in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.

VIII

It was already about full market time[1] and the halting-place at 1 which the
army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty
member of Cyrus’s personal staff, came galloping up at full speed on his horse,
which was bathed in sweat, and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian,
as fast as he could ejaculate the words: “The king is advancing with a large army
ready for battle.” Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes and all
alike were expecting to be attacked on the instant, and before they could form
their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned his corselet; then leaping
on to his charger’s back, with the javelins firmly clutched, he passed the order
to the rest, to arm themselves and fall into their several ranks.

[1] I.e. between 9 and 10 A.M.

The orders were carried out with alacrity; the ranks shaped themselves. Clearchus
held the right wing resting on the Euphrates, Proxenus was next, and after him
the rest, while Menon with his troops held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics,
a body of Paphlagonian cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus
on the right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was Ariaeus,
Cyrus’s second in command, and the rest of the barbarian host. Cyrus was with
his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred strong, all armed with corselets like
Cyrus, and cuirasses and helmets; but not so Cyrus: he went into battle with head
unhelmeted[2]. So too all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead-pieces and breast-pieces,
and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.

[2] The MSS. add, “to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded is, it
is said, a practice common to the Persians,” which I regard as a commentator’s
note, if not an original marginal note of some early editor, possibly of the author
himself. The “Cyropaedeia” is full of such comments, “pieces justificatives” inserted
into the text.

It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight; but with the approach
of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a considerable interval
a black pall as it were spread far and high above the plain. As they came nearer,
very soon was seen here and there a glint of bronze and spear-points; and the
ranks could plainly be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white
cuirasses. That is Tissaphernes in command, they said, and next to these a body
of men bearing wicker-shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry, with long
wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the Egyptians, they said, and
then other cavalry, other bowmen; all were in national divisions, each nation
marching in densely-crowded 10 squares. And all along their front was a line of
chariots at considerable intervals from one another–the famous scythe-chariots,
as they were named–having their scythes fitted to the axle-trees and stretching
out slantwise, while others protruded under the chariot-seats, facing the ground,
so as to cut through all they encountered. The design was to let them dash full
speed into the ranks of the Hellenes and cut them through.

Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war he admonished
the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics, was not justified. Instead
of shouting, they came on in deep silence, softly and slowly, with even tread.
At this instant, Cyrus, riding past in person, accompanied by Pigres, his interpreter,
and three or four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy’s
centre, for there the king was to be found: “And if we strike home at this point,”
he added, “our work is finished.” Clearchus, though he could see the compact body
at the centre, and had been told by Cyrus that the king lay outside the Hellenic
left (for, owing to numerical superiority, the king, while holding his own centre,
could well overlap Cyrus’s extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right
wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks; and he simply replied,
assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.

At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic division
was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as the various contingents
came up. Cyrus, riding past at some distance from the lines, glanced his eye first
in one direction and then in the other, so as to take a complete survey of friends
and foes; when Xenophon the Athenian, seeing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter
to meet him, asking him whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus, pulling up his
horse, begged him to make the announcement generally known that the omens from
the victims, internal and external alike, were good[3]. While he was still speaking,
he heard a confused murmur 16 passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant.
The other replied that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time.
Cyrus wondered who had given the order, and asked what the watchword was. On being
told it was “Zeus our Saviour and Victory,” he replied, “I accept it; so let it
be,” and with that remark rode away to his own position. And now the two battle
lines were no more than three or four furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began
chanting the paean, and at the same time advanced against the enemy.

[3] I.e. the omens from inspecting the innards of the victims, and the omens
from the acts and movements of the victims.

But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved onwards
in advance, with wave-like sinuosity, and the portion left behind quickened to
a run; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst from all lips, like that in honour
of the war-god–eleleu! eleleu! and the running became general. Some say they
clashed their shields and spears, thereby causing terror to the horses[4]; and
before they had got within arrowshot the barbarians swerved and took to flight.
And now the Hellenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by shouts to
one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The enemy’s chariots, reft of
their charioteers, swept onwards, some through the enemy themselves, others past
the Hellenes. They, as they saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One
fellow, like some dumbfoundered mortal on a racecourse, was caught by the heels,
but even he, they said, received no hurt, nor indeed, with the single exception
of some one on the left wing who was said to have been wounded by an arrow, did
any Hellene in this battle suffer a single hurt.

[4] Some critics regard this sentence as an editor’s or commentator’s note.

Cyrus, seeing the Hellene’s conquering, as far as they at any rate were concerned,
and in hot pursuit, was well content; but in spite of his joy and the salutations
offered him at that moment by those about 21 him, as though he were already king,
he was not led away to join in the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred
horsemen in cloe order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would
do. The king, he knew, held the centre of the Persian army. Indeed it is the fashion
for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action, for this twofold
reason: he holds the safest place, with his troops on either side of him, while,
if he has occasion to despatch any necessary rider along the lines, his troops
will receive the message in half the time. The king accordingly on this occasion
held the centre of his army, but for all that, he was outside Cyrus’s left wing;
and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the troops in front
of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was then that Cyrus, in apprehension
lest the king might get round to the rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body,
charged to meet him. Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops
in front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down, as is
said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.

But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus’s own six hundred themselves, in the
ardour of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a handful who were left
with Cyrus himself–chiefly his table companions, so-called. Left alone with these,
he caught sight of the king, and the close throng about him. Unable longer to
contain himself, with a cry, “I see the man,” he rushed at him and dealt a blow
at his chest, wounding him through the corselet. This, according to the statement
of Ctesias the surgeon[5], who further states that he himself healed the wound.
As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck him with a javelin under the eye
severely; and in the struggle which then ensued between the king and Cyrus and
those about them to protect one or other, we have the statement of Ctesias as
to the number slain 27 on the king’s side, for he was by his side. On the other,
Cyrus himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of him.
The story says that Artapes, the trustiest among his wand-wearers, when he saw
that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt from his horse and threw his arms about
him. Then, as one account says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim
to his brother: others say that Artapates drew his scimitar and slew himself by
his own hand. A golden scimitar it is true, he had; he wore also a collar and
bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians wear; for his kindliness
and fidelity had won him honours at the hands of Cyrus.

[5] “Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos. Seventeen years
of his life were passed at the court of Persia, fourteen in the service of Darios,
three in that of Artaxerxes; he returned to Greece in 398 B.C.,” and “was employed
by Artaxerxes in diplomatic services.” See Mure; also Ch. Muller, for his life
and works. He wrote (1) a history on Persian affairs in three parts–Assyrian,
Median, Persian–with a chapter “On Tributes;” (2) a history of Indian affairs
(written in the vein of Sir John Maundeville, Kt.); (3) a Periplus; (4) a treatise
on Mountains; (5) a treatise on Rivers.

IX

So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest[1] and most worthy to rule of all 1 the
Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus: according to the concurrent testimony
of all who are reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the beginning,
when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with his brother and the other lads,
his unrivalled excellence was recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians,
it must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king’s portals. Here lessons
of sobreity and self-control may largely be laid to heart, while there is nothing
base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before
the boys of some receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving
dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from earliest boyhood
they learn how to rule and to be ruled.

[1] The character now to be drawn is afterwards elaborated into the Cyrus of
the Cyropaedeia.

In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation; first he was held
to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience to his elders
which exceeded that of many of his own inferiors; and next he bore away the palm
for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters
of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to
be at 5 once the aptest of learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as his
age permitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness for the chase,
not without a certain appetite for perilous adventure in facing the wild beasts
themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush at him[2], and without wincing he
grappled with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of
which were visible through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did
he forget him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of
many.

[2] The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but a boar.

After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and Great Phrygia
and Cappadocia, and had been appointed general of the forces, whose business it
is to muster in the plain of the Castolus, nothing was more noticeable in his
conduct than the importance which he attached to the faithful fulfilment of every
treaty or compact or undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies
to any one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of individuals
and of the communities entrusted to his care; or in case of hostility, a treaty
made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to the combatant that he would suffer
nothing contrary to its terms. Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the
states of their own accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the
men of Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he
refused to abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and words bore emphatic
witness to his principle: even if they were weakened in number or in fortune,
he would never abandon those who had once become his friends.

He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends and his foes alike
in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to him, “God grant I
may live along enough to recompense my friends and requite my foes with a strong
arm.” However this may be, no one, at least in our days, ever drew together so
ardent a following of friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities,
their own lives and persons; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered
the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn; on the 13 contrary, these
he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight to see on the well-trodden
highways, men who had forfeited hand or foot or eye; the result being that throughout
the satrapy of Cyrus any one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent,
might fearlessly travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt
disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he reserved
especial honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a war with the Pisidians
and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an expedition into those territories,
he could observe those who voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers
of the territory which he subjected, and afterwards honoured them with other gifts.
So that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards were
recognised as their natural slaves; and so it befell that Cyrus never had lack
of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was expected that his eye
would be upon them.

So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to distinguish himself in
the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this man richer than those
who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same principle, his own administration
was in all respects uprightly conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services
of an army worthy of the name. Generals, and sabulterns alike, came to him from
across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that loyalty to
Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds a month. Let any man
whatsoever render him willing service, such enthusiasm was sure to win its reward.
And so Cyrus could always command the service of the best assistants, it was said,
whatever the work might be.

Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished well the country over
which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing him at any time, to
him who had, he delighted to give more. So that toil was a pleasure, and gains
were amassed with confidence, and least of all from Cyrus would a man conceal
the amount of his possessions, seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly
avowed, but his 19 endeavour was rather to turn to account the riches of those
who kept them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he knew,
or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which he might wish
to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn an adept in the arts of
courtesy. Just in proportion as he felt the need of this friend or that to help
him, so he tried to help each of them in return in whatever seemed to be their
heart’s desire.

Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons; no one man,
perhaps, ever received more; no one, certainly, was ever more ready to bestow
them upon others, with an eye ever to the taste of each, so as to gratify what
he saw to be the individual requirement. Many of these presents were sent to him
to serve as personal adornments of the body or for battle; and as touching these
he would say, “How am I to deck myself out in all these? to my mind a man’s chief
ornament is the adornment of nobly-adorned friends.” Indeed, that he should triumph
over his friends in the great matters of welldoing is not surprising, seeing that
he was much more powerful than they, but that he should go beyond them in minute
attentions, and in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess,
more admirable. Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent wine, he
would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a message to say: “Cyrus
says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a long time, that is his excuse
for sending it to you. He hopes you will drink it up to-day with a choice party
of friends.” Or, perhaps, he would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half
loaves of bread, and so forth, the bearer being instructed to say: “This is Cyrus’s
favourite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself.” Or, perhaps, there was a
great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his servants and his own
careful forethought, he was enabled to get supplies for himsefl; at such times
he would send to his friends in different parts, bidding them feed their horses
on his hay, since it would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go
starving. Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on
28 would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them with serious
talk, as much as to say, “These I delight to honour.”

So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be disposed to
say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so beloved. In proof of this, I
may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the king’s vassal and slave, no one ever
forsook him to join his master, if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which
was abortive. That man, indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart
of him on whose fidelity he relied than he himself was. On the other hand, many
a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one another;
nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the king’s affection; yet
for all that, they believed that their virtues would obtain a reward more adequate
from Cyrus than from the king. Another great proof at once of his own worth and
of his capacity rightly to discern all loyal, loving and firm friendship is afforded
by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was slain, but
fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his faithful bodyguard
of friends and table-companions, with the sole exception of Ariaeus, who was in
command of the cavalry on the left, and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus
than he betook himself to flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.

X

Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were severed from the body. 1 But
the king and those about him pursued and fell upon the Cyreian camp, and the troops
of Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled through their own camp back
to the halting-place of the night before–a distance of four parasangs, it was
said. So the king and those with him fell to ravaging right and left, and amongst
other spoil he captured the Phocaean woman, who was a concubine of Cyrus, witty
and beautiful, if fame speaks correctly. The Milesian, who was the younger, was
also seized by some of the king’s men; but, letting go her outer garment, she
made good her escape to the Hellenes, who had been left among the camp followers
on guard. These fell at once 3 into line and put to the sword many of the pillagers,
though they lost some men themselves; they stuck to the place and succeeded in
saving not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or human beings, wich
lay within their reach.

At this point the king and the Hellenes were something like three miles apart;
the one set were pursuing their opponents just as if their conquest had been general;
the others were pillaging as merrily as if their victory were already universal.
But when the Hellenes learnt that the king and his troops were in the baggage
camp; and the king, on his side, was informed by Tissaphernes that the Hellenes
were victorious in their quarter of the field, and had gone forward in pursuit,
the effect was instantaneous. The king massed his troops and formed into line.
Clearchus summoned Proxenus, who was next him, and debated whether to send a detachment
or to go in a body to the camp to save it.

Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it seemed, from the rear; and
the Hellenes, turning right about, prepared to receive his attack then and there.
But instead of advancing upon them at that point, he drew off, following the line
by which he had passed earlier in the day, outside the left wing of his opponent,
and so picked up in his passage those who had deserted to the Hellenes during
the battle, as also Tissaphernes and his division. The latter had not fled in
the first shock of the encounter; he had charged parallel to the line of the Euphrates
into the Greek peltasts, and through them. But charge as he might, he did not
lay low a single man. On the contrary, the Hellenes made a gap to let them through,
hacking them with their swords and hurling their javelins as they passed. Episthenes
of Amphipolis was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a sensible
man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, having got through haphazard,
with rather the worst of it, failed to wheel round and return the way he came,
but reaching the camp of the Hellenes, 8 there fell in with the king; and falling
into order again, the two divisions advanced side by side.

When they were parallel with the (original) left wing of the Hellenes, fear
seized the latter lest they might take them in flank and enfold them on both sides
and cut them down. In this apprehension they determined to extend their line and
place the river on their rear. But while they deliberated, the king passed by
and ranged his troops in line to meet them, in exactly the same position in which
he had advanced to offer battle at the commencemet of the engagement. The Hellenes,
now seeing them in close proximity and in battle order, once again raised the
paean and began the attack with still greater enthusiasm than before: and once
again the barbarians did not wait to receive them, but took to flight, even at
a greater distance than before. The Hellenes pressed the pursuit until they reached
a certain village, where they halted, for above the village rose a mound, on which
the king and his party rallied and reformed; they had no infantry any longer,
but the crest was crowded with cavalry, so that it was impossible to discover
what was happening. They did see, they said, the royal standard, a kind of golden
eagle, with wings extended, perched on a bar of wood and raised upon a lance.

But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the hostile cavalry at once
left the hillock–not in a body any longer, but in fragments–some streaming from
one side, some from another; and the crest was gradually stripped of its occupants,
till at last the company was gone. Accordingly, Clearchus did not ascend the crest,
but posting his army at its base, he sent Lycius of Syracuse and another to the
summit, with orders to inspect the condition of things on the other side, and
to report results. Lycius galloped up and investigated, bringing back news that
they were fleeing might and main. Almost at that instant the sun sank beneath
the horizon. There the Hellenes halted; they grounded arms and rested, marvelling
the while that Cyrus was not anywhere to be seen, and that no messenger had come
from him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death, and conjectured that
either he had gone off in pursuit, or had pushed forward to occupy some point.
Left to themselves, they now deliberated, whether they should stay where they
were and have the baggage train brought up, or should return to camp. They resolved
to return, and about supper time reached the tents. Such was the conclusion of
this day.

They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, eatables and drinkables
alike, not excepting the wagons laden with corn and wine, which Cyrus had prepared
in case of some extreme need overtaking the expedition, to divide among the Hellenes.
There were four hundred of these wagons, it was said, and these had now been ransacked
by the king and his men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went supperless,
having already gone without their breakfasts, since the king had appeared before
the usual halt for breakfast. Accordingly, in no better plight than this they
passed the night.