The Works of Tacitus
tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb
[1864-1877]
Tacitus: Annals Book 4 [50]
50. One of their chiefs, Dinis, an old man who well knew by long experience
both the strength and clemency of Rome, maintained that they must lay down their
arms, this being the only remedy for their wretched plight, and he was the first
to give himself up with his wife and children to the conqueror. He was followed
by all whom age or sex unfitted for war, by all too who had a stronger love
of life than of renown. The young were divided between Tarsa and Turesis, both
of whom had resolved to fall together with their freedom. Tarsa however kept
urging them to speedy death and to the instant breaking off of all hope and
fear, and, by way of example, plunged his sword into his heart. And there were
some who chose the same death. Turesis and his band waited for night, not without
the knowledge of our general. Consequently, the sentries were strengthened with
denser masses of troops. Night was coming on with a fierce storm, and the foe,
one moment with a tumultuous uproar, another in awful silence, had perplexed
the besiegers, when Sabinus went round the camp, entreating the men not to give
a chance to their stealthy assailants by heeding embarrassing noises or being
deceived by quiet, but to keep, every one, to his post without moving or discharging
their darts on false alarms.
51. The barbarians meanwhile rushed down with their bands, now hurling at
the entrenchments stones such as the hand could grasp, stakes with points hardened
by fire, and boughs lopped from oaks; now filling up the fosses with bushes
and hurdles and dead bodies, while others advanced up to the breastwork with
bridges and ladders which they had constructed for the occasion, seized it,
tore it down, and came to close quarters with the defenders. Our soldiers on
the other side drove them back with missiles, repelled them with their shields,
and covered them with a storm of long siege-javelins and heaps of stones. Success
already gained and the more marked disgrace which would follow repulse, were
a stimulus to the Romans, while the courage of the foe was heightened by this
last chance of deliverance and the presence of many mothers and wives with mournful
cries. Darkness, which increased the daring of some and the terror of others,
random blows, wounds not foreseen, failure to recognise friend or enemy, echoes,
seemingly in their rear, from the winding mountain valleys, spread such confusion
that the Romans abandoned some of their lines in the belief that they had been
stormed. Only however a very few of the enemy had broken through them; the rest,
after their bravest men had been beaten back or wounded, were towards daybreak
pushed back to the upper part of the fortress and there at last compelled to
surrender. Then the immediate neighbourhood, by the voluntary action of the
inhabitants, submitted. The early and severe winter of Mount Haemus saved the
rest of the population from being reduced by assault or blockade.
52. At Rome meanwhile, besides the shocks already sustained by the imperial
house, came the first step towards the destruction of Agrippina, Claudia Pulchra,
her cousin, being prosecuted by Domitius Afer. Lately a praetor, a man of but
moderate position and eager to become notorious by any sort of deed, Afer charged
her with unchastity, with having Furnius for her paramour, and with attempts
on the emperor by poison and sorcery. Agrippina, always impetuous, and now kindled
into fury by the peril of her kinswoman, went straight to Tiberius and found
him, as it happened, offering a sacrifice to his father. This provoked an indignant
outburst. “It is not,” she exclaimed, “for the same man to slay victims to the
Divine Augustus and to persecute his posterity. The celestial spirit has not
transferred itself to the mute statue; here is the true image, sprung of heavenly
blood, and she perceives her danger, and assumes its mournful emblems. Pulchra’s
name is a mere blind; the only reason for her destruction is that she has, in
utter folly, selected Agrippina for her admiration, forgetting that Sosia was
thereby ruined.” These words wrung from the emperor one of the rare utterances
of that inscrutable breast; he rebuked Agrippina with a Greek verse, and reminded
her that “she was not wronged because she was not a queen.” Pulchra and Furnius
were condemned. Afer was ranked with the foremost orators, for the ability which
he displayed, and which won strong praise from Tiberius, who pronounced him
a speaker of natural genius. Henceforward as a counsel for the defence or the
prosecution he enjoyed the fame of eloquence rather than of virtue, but old
age robbed him of much of his speaking power, while, with a failing intellect,
he was still impatient of silence.
53. Agrippina in stubborn rage, with the grasp of disease yet on her, when
the emperor came to see her, wept long and silently, and then began to mingle
reproach and supplication. She begged him “to relieve her loneliness and provide
her with a husband; her youth still fitted her for marriage, which was a virtuous
woman’s only solace, and there were citizens in Rome who would not disdain to
receive the wife of Germanicus and his children.” But the emperor, who perceived
the political aims of her request, but did not wish to show displeasure or apprehension,
left her, notwithstanding her urgency, without an answer. This incident, not
mentioned by any historian, I have found in the memoirs of the younger Agrippina,
the mother of the emperor Nero, who handed down to posterity the story of her
life and of the misfortunes of her family.
54. Sejanus meanwhile yet more deeply alarmed the sorrowing and unsuspecting
woman by sending his agents, under the guise of friendship, with warnings that
poison was prepared for her, and that she ought to avoid her father-in-law’s
table. Knowing not how to dissemble, she relaxed neither her features nor tone
of voice as she sat by him at dinner, nor did she touch a single dish, till
at last Tiberius noticed her conduct, either casually or because he was told
of it. To test her more closely, he praised some fruit as it was set on the
table and passed it with his own hand to his daughter-in-law. This increased
the suspicions of Agrippina, and without putting the fruit to her lips she gave
it to the slaves. Still no remark fell from Tiberius before the company, but
he turned to his mother and whispered that it was not surprising if he had decided
on harsh treatment against one who implied that he was a poisoner. Then there
was a rumour that a plan was laid for her destruction, that the emperor did
not dare to attempt it openly, and was seeking to veil the deed in secrecy.
55. Tiberius, to divert people’s talk, continually attended the Senate, and
gave an audience of several days to embassies from Asia on a disputed question
as to the city in which the temple before mentioned should be erected. Eleven
cities were rivals for the honour, of which they were all equally ambitious,
though they differed widely in resources. With little variation they dwelt on
antiquity of race and loyalty to Rome throughout her wars with Perseus, Aristonicus,
and other kings. But the people of Hypaepa, Tralles, Laodicaea, and Magnesia
were passed over as too insignificant; even Ilium, though it boasted that Troy
was the cradle of Rome, was strong only in the glory of its antiquity. There
was a little hesitation about Halicarnassus, as its inhabitants affirmed that
for twelve hundred years their homes had not been shaken by an earthquake and
that the foundations of their temple were on the living rock. Pergamos, it was
thought, had been sufficiently honoured by having a temple of Augustus in the
city, on which very fact they relied. The Ephesians and Milesians had, it seemed,
wholly devoted their respective towns to the worships of Apollo and Diana. And
so the question lay between Sardis and Smyrna. The envoys from Sardis read a
decree of the Etrurians, with whom they claimed kindred. “Tyrrhenus and Lydus,”
it was said, “the sons of King Atys, divided the nation between them because
of its multitude; Lydus remained in the country of his fathers; Tyrrhenus had
the work assigned him of establishing new settlements, and names, taken from
the two leaders, were given to the one people in Asia and to the other in Italy.
The resources of the Lydians were yet further augmented by the immigration of
nations into that part of Greece which afterwards took its name from Pelops.”
They spoke too of letters from Roman generals, of treaties concluded with us
during the Macedonian war, and of their copious rivers, of their climate, and
the rich countries round them.
56. The envoys from Smyrna, after tracing their city’s antiquity back to
such founders as either Tantalus, the son of Jupiter, or Theseus, also of divine
origin, or one of the Amazons, passed on to that on which they chiefly relied,
their services to the Roman people, whom they had helped with naval armaments,
not only in wars abroad, but in those under which we struggled in Italy. They
had also been the first, they said, to build a temple in honour of Rome, during
the consulship of Marcus Porcius Cato, when Rome’s power indeed was great, but
not yet raised to the highest point, inasmuch as the Punic capital was still
standing and there were mighty kings in Asia. They appealed too to the of Lucius
Sulla, whose army was once in terrible jeopardy from a severe winter and want
of clothing, and this having been announced at Smyrna in a public assembly,
all who were present stript their clothes off their backs and sent them to our
legions. And so the Senate, when the question was put, gave the preference to
Smyrna. Vibius Marsus moved that Marcus Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia
had been assigned, should have under him a special commissioner to undertake
the charge of this temple. As Lepidus himself, out of modesty, declined to appoint,
Valerius Naso, one of the ex-praetors, was chosen by lot and sent out.
57. Meanwhile, after long reflection on his purpose and frequent deferment
of it, the emperor retired into Campania to dedicate, as he pretended, a temple
to Jupiter at Capua and another to Augustus at Nola, but really resolved to
live at a distance from Rome. Although I have followed most historians in attributing
the cause of his retirement to the arts of Sejanus, still, as he passed six
consecutive years in the same solitude after that minister’s destruction, I
am often in doubt whether it is not to be more truly ascribed to himself, and
his wish to hide by the place of his retreat the cruelty and licentiousness
which he betrayed by his actions. Some thought that in his old age he was ashamed
of his personal appearance. He had indeed a tall, singularly slender and stooping
figure, a bald head, a face full of eruptions, and covered here and there with
plasters. In the seclusion of Rhodes he had habituated himself to shun society
and to hide his voluptuous life. According to one account his mother’s domineering
temper drove him away; he was weary of having her as his partner in power, and
he could not thrust her aside, because he had received this very power as her
gift. For Augustus had had thoughts of putting the Roman state under Germanicus,
his sister’s grandson, whom all men esteemed, but yielding to his wife’s entreaties
he left Germanicus to be adopted by Tiberius and adopted Tiberius himself. With
this Augusta would taunt her son, and claim back what she had given.
58. His departure was attended by a small retinue, one senator, who was an
ex-consul, Cocceius Nerva, learned in the laws, one Roman knight, besides Sejanus,
of the highest order, Curtius Atticus, the rest being men of liberal culture,
for the most part Greeks, in whose conversation he might find amusement. It
was said by men who knew the stars that the motions of the heavenly bodies when
Tiberius left Rome were such as to forbid the possibility of his return. This
caused ruin for many who conjectured that his end was near and spread the rumour;
for they never foresaw the very improbable contingency of his voluntary exile
from his home for eleven years. Soon afterwards it was clearly seen what a narrow
margin there is between such science and delusion and in what obscurity truth
is veiled. That he would not return to Rome was not a mere random assertion;
as to the rest, they were wholly in the dark, seeing that he lived to extreme
old age in the country or on the coast near Rome and often close to the very
walls of the city.
59. It happened at this time that a perilous accident which occurred to the
emperor strengthened vague rumours and gave him grounds for trusting more fully
in the friendship and fidelity of Sejanus. They were dining in a country house
called “The Cave,” between the gulf of Amuclae and the hills of Fundi, in a
natural grotto. The rocks at its entrance suddenly fell in and crushed some
of the attendants; there upon panic seized the whole company and there was a
general flight of the guests. Sejanus hung over the emperor, and with knee,
face, and hand encountered the falling stones; and was found in this attitude
by the soldiers who came to their rescue. After this he was greater than ever,
and though his counsels were ruinous, he was listened to with confidence, as
a man who had no care for himself. He pretended to act as a judge towards the
children of Germanicus, after having suborned persons to assume the part of
prosecutors and to inveigh specially against Nero, next in succession to the
throne, who, though he had proper youthful modesty, often forgot present expediency,
while freedmen and clients, eager to get power, incited him to display vigour
and self-confidence. “This,” they said, “was what the Roman people wished, what
the armies desired, and Sejanus would not dare to oppose it, though now he insulted
alike the tame spirit of the old emperor and the timidity of the young prince.”
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