The Works of Tacitus

tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb

[1864-1877]


Tacitus: Annals Book 4 [60]

60. Nero, while he listened to this and like talk, was not indeed inspired with
any guilty ambition, but still occasionally there would break from him wilful
and thoughtless expressions which spies about his person caught up and reported
with exaggeration, and this he had no opportunity of rebutting. Then again alarms
under various forms were continually arising. One man would avoid meeting him;
another after returning his salutation would instantly turn away; many after
beginning a conversation would instantly break it off, while Sejanus’s friends
would stand their ground and laugh at him. Tiberius indeed wore an angry frown
or a treacherous smile. Whether the young prince spoke or held his tongue, silence
and speech were alike criminal. Every night had its anxieties, for his sleepless
hours, his dreams and sighs were all made known by his wife to her mother Livia
and by Livia to Sejanus. Nero’s brother Drusus Sejanus actually drew into his
scheme by holding out to him the prospect of becoming emperor through the removal
of an elder brother, already all but fallen. The savage temper of Drusus, to
say nothing of lust of power and the usual feuds between brothers, was inflamed
with envy by the partiality of the mother Agrippina towards Nero. And yet Sejanus,
while he favoured Drusus, was not without thoughts of sowing the seeds of his
future ruin, well knowing how very impetuous he was and therefore the more exposed
to treachery.

61. Towards the close of the year died two distinguished men, Asinius Agrippa
and Quintus Haterius. Agrippa was of illustrious rather than ancient ancestry,
which his career did not disgrace; Haterius was of a senatorian family and famous
for his eloquence while he lived, though the monuments which remain of his genius
are not admired as of old. The truth is he succeeded more by vehemence than
by finish of style. While the research and labours of other authors are valued
by an after age, the harmonious fluency of Haterius died with him.

62. In the year of the consulship of Marcus Licinius and Lucius Calpurnius,
the losses of a great war were matched by an unexpected disaster, no sooner
begun than ended. One Atilius, of the freedman class, having undertaken to build
an amphitheatre at Fidena for the exhibition of a show of gladiators, failed
to lay a solid foundation to frame the wooden superstructure with beams of sufficient
strength; for he had neither an abundance of wealth, nor zeal for public popularity,
but he had simply sought the work for sordid gain. Thither flocked all who loved
such sights and who during the reign of Tiberius had been wholly debarred from
such amusements; men and women of every age crowding to the place because it
was near Rome. And so the calamity was all the more fatal. The building was
densely crowded; then came a violent shock, as it fell inwards or spread outwards,
precipitating and burying an immense multitude which was intently gazing on
the show or standing round. Those who were crushed to death in the first moment
of the accident had at least under such dreadful circumstances the advantage
of escaping torture. More to be pitied were they who with limbs torn from them
still retained life, while they recognised their wives and children by seeing
them during the day and by hearing in the night their screams and groans. Soon
all the neighbours in their excitement at the report were bewailing brothers,
kinsmen or parents. Even those whose friends or relatives were away from home
for quite a different reason, still trembled for them, and as it was not yet
known who had been destroyed by the crash, suspense made the alarm more widespread.

63. As soon as they began to remove the debris, there was a rush to see the
lifeless forms and much embracing and kissing. Often a dispute would arise,
when some distorted face, bearing however a general resemblance of form and
age, had baffled their efforts at recognition. Fifty thousand persons were maimed
or destroyed in this disaster. For the future it was provided by a decree of
the Senate that no one was to exhibit a show of gladiators, whose fortune fell
short of four hundred thousand sesterces, and that no amphitheatre was to be
erected except on a foundation, the solidity of which had been examined. Atilius
was banished. At the moment of the calamity the nobles threw open houses and
supplied indiscriminately medicines and physicians, so that Rome then, notwithstanding
her sorrowful aspect, wore a likeness to the manners of our forefathers who
after a great battle always relieved the wounded with their bounty and attentions.

64. This disaster was not forgotten when a furious conflagration damaged
the capital to an unusual extent, reducing Mount Caelius to ashes. “It was an
ill-starred year,” people began to say, “and the emperor’s purpose of leaving
Rome must have been formed under evil omens.” They began in vulgar fashion to
trace ill-luck to guilt, when Tiberius checked them by distributing money in
proportion to losses sustained. He received a vote of thanks in the Senate from
its distinguished members, and was applauded by the populace for having assisted
with his liberality, without partiality or the solicitations of friends, strangers
whom he had himself sought out. And proposals were also made that Mount Caelius
should for the future be called Mount Augustus, inasmuch as when all around
was in flames only a single statue of Tiberius in the house of one Junius, a
senator, had remained uninjured. This, it was said, had formerly happened to
Claudia Quinta; her statue, which had twice escaped the violence of fire, had
been dedicated by our ancestors in the temple of the Mother of Gods; hence the
Claudii had been accounted sacred and numbered among deities, and so additional
sanctity ought to be given to a spot where heaven showed such honour to the
emperor.

65. It will not be uninteresting to mention that Mount Caelius was anciently
known by the name of Querquetulanus, because it grew oak timber in abundance
and was afterwards called Caelius by Caeles Vibenna, who led the Etruscan people
to the aid of Rome and had the place given him as a possession by Tarquinius
Priscus or by some other of the kings. As to that point historians differ; as
to the rest, it is beyond a question that Vibenna’s numerous forces established
themselves in the plain beneath and in the neighbourhood of the forum, and that
the Tuscan street was named after these strangers.

66. But though the zeal of the nobles and the bounty of the prince brought
relief to suffering, yet every day a stronger and fiercer host of informers
pursued its victims, without one alleviating circumstance. Quintilius Varus,
a rich man and related to the emperor, was suddenly attacked by Domitius Afer,
the successful prosecutor of Claudia Pulchra, his mother, and no one wondered
that the needy adventurer of many years who had squandered his lately gotten
recompense was now preparing himself for fresh iniquities. That Publius Dolabella
should have associated himself in the prosecution was a marvel, for he was of
illustrious ancestry, was allied to Varus, and was now himself seeking to destroy
his own noble race, his own kindred. The Senate however stopped the proceeding,
and decided to wait for the emperor, this being the only means of escaping for
a time impending horrors.

67. Caesar, meanwhile, after dedicating the temples in Campania, warned the
public by an edict not to disturb his retirement and posted soldiers here and
there to keep off the throngs of townsfolk. But he so loathed the towns and
colonies and, in short, every place on the mainland, that he buried himself
in the island of Capreae which is separated by three miles of strait from the
extreme point of the promontory of Sorrentum. The solitude of the place was,
I believe, its chief attraction, for a harbourless sea surrounds it and even
for a small vessel it has but few safe retreats, nor can any one land unknown
to the sentries. Its air in winter is soft, as it is screened by a mountain
which is a protection against cutting winds. In summer it catches the western
breezes, and the open sea round it renders it most delightful. It commanded
too a prospect of the most lovely bay, till Vesuvius, bursting into flames,
changed the face of the country. Greeks, so tradition says, occupied those parts
and Capreae was inhabited by the Teleboi. Tiberius had by this time filled the
island with twelve country houses, each with a grand name and a vast structure
of its own. Intent as he had once been on the cares of state, he was now for
thoroughly unbending himself in secret profligacy and a leisure of malignant
schemes. For he still retained that rash proneness to suspect and to believe,
which even at Rome Sejanus used to foster, and which he here excited more keenly,
no longer concealing his machinations against Agrippina and Nero. Soldiers hung
about them, and every message, every visit, their public and their private life
were I may say regularly chronicled. And persons were actually suborned to advise
them to flee to the armies of Germany, or when the Forum was most crowded, to
clasp the statue of statue of the Divine Augustus and appeal to the protection
of the people and Senate. These counsels they disdained, but they were charged
with having had thoughts of acting on them.

68. The year of the consulship of Silanus and Silius Nerva opened with a
foul beginning. A Roman knight of the highest rank, Titius Sabinus, was dragged
to prison because he had been a friend of Germanicus. He had indeed persisted
in showing marked respect towards his wife and children, as their visitor at
home, their companion in public, the solitary survivor of so many clients, and
he was consequently esteemed by the good, as he was a terror to the evil-minded.
Latinius Latiaris, Porcius Cato, Petitius Rufus, and Marcus Opsius, ex-praetors,
conspired to attack him, with an eye to the consulship, to which there was access
only through Sejanus, and the good will of Sejanus was to be gained only by
a crime. They arranged amongst themselves that Latiaris, who had some slight
acquaintance with Sabinus, should devise the plot, that the rest should be present
as witnesses, and that then they should begin the prosecution. Accordingly Latiaris,
after first dropping some casual remarks, went on to praise the fidelity of
Sabinus in not having, like others, forsaken after its fall the house of which
he had been the friend in its prosperity. He also spoke highly of Germanicus
and compassionately of Agrippina. Sabinus, with the natural softness of the
human heart under calamity, burst into tears, which he followed up with complaints,
and soon with yet more daring invective against Sejanus, against his cruelty,
pride and ambition. He did not spare even Tiberius in his reproaches. That conversation,
having united them, as it were, in an unlawful secret, led to a semblance of
close intimacy. Henceforward Sabinus himself sought Latiaris, went continually
to his house, and imparted to him his griefs, as to a most faithful friend.

69. The men whom I have named now consulted how these conversations might
fall within the hearing of more persons. It was necessary that the place of
meeting should preserve the appearance of secrecy, and, if witnesses were to
stand behind the doors, there was a fear of their being seen or heard, or of
suspicion casually arising. Three senators thrust themselves into the space
between the roof and ceiling, a hiding-place as shameful as the treachery was
execrable. They applied their ears to apertures and crevices. Latiaris meanwhile
having met Sabinus in the streets, drew him to his house and to the room, as
if he was going to communicate some fresh discoveries. There he talked much
about past and impending troubles, a copious topic indeed, and about fresh horrors.
Sabinus spoke as before and at greater length, as sorrow, when once it has broken
into utterance, is the harder to restrain. Instantly they hastened to accuse
him, and having despatched a letter to the emperor, they informed him of the
order of the plot and of their own infamy. Never was Rome more distracted and
terror-stricken. Meetings, conversations, the ear of friend and stranger were
alike shunned; even things mute and lifeless, the very roofs and walls, were
eyed with suspicion.


Next: Book 4 [70]