Tacitus: Annals: Book 1 [30]

The Works of Tacitus

tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb

[1864-1877]

Tacitus: Annals Book 1 [30]

30. Search was then made for all the chief mutineers. Some as they roamed outside
the camp were cut down by the centurions or by soldiers of the praetorian cohorts.
Some even the companies gave up in proof of their loyalty. The men’s troubles
were increased by an early winter with continuous storms so violent that they
could not go beyond their tents or meet together or keep the standards in their
places, from which they were perpetually tom by hurricane and rain. And there
still lingered the dread of the divine wrath; nor was it without meaning, they
thought, that, hostile to an impious host, the stars grew dim and storms burst
over them. Their only relief from misery was to quit an ill-omened and polluted
camp, and, having purged themselves of their guilt, to betake themselves again
every one to his winterquarters. First the eighth, then the fifteenth legion
returned; the ninth cried again and again that they ought to wait for the letter
from Tiberius, but soon finding themselves isolated by the departure of the
rest, they voluntarily forestalled their inevitable fate. Drusus, without awaiting
the envoys’ return, as for the present all was quiet, went back to Rome.

31. About the same time, from the same causes, the legions of Germany rose
in mutiny, with a fury proportioned to their greater numbers, in the confident
hope that Germanicus Caesar would not be able to endure another’s supremacy
and offer himself to the legions, whose strength would carry everything before
it. There were two armies on the bank of the Rhine; that named the upper army
had Caius Silius for general; the lower was under the charge of Aulus Caecina.
The supreme direction rested with Germanicus, then busily employed in conducting
the assessment of Gaul. The troops under the control of Silius, with minds yet
in suspense, watched the issue of mutiny elsewhere; but the soldiers of the
lower army fell into a frenzy, which had its beginning in the men of the twenty-first
and fifth legions, and into which the first and twentieth were also drawn. For
they were all quartered in the same summer-camp, in the territory of the Ubii,
enjoying ease or having only light duties. Accordingly on hearing of the death
of Augustus, a rabble of city slaves, who had been enlisted under a recent levy
at Rome, habituated to laxity and impatient of hardship, filled the ignorant
minds of the other soldiers with notions that the time had come when the veteran
might demand a timely discharge, the young, more liberal pay, all, an end of
their miseries, and vengeance on the cruelty of centurions. It was not one alone
who spoke thus, as did Percennius among the legions of Pannonia, nor was it
in the ears of trembling soldiers, who looked with apprehension to other and
mightier armies, but there was sedition in many a face and voice. “The Roman
world,” they said, was in their hand; their victories aggrandised the State;
it was from them that emperors received their titles.”

32. Nor did their commander check them. Indeed, the blind rage of so many
had robbed him of his resolution., In a sudden frenzy they rushed with drawn
swords on the centurions, the immemorial object of the soldiers’ resentment
and the first cause of savage fury. They threw them to the earth and beat them
sorely, sixty to one, so as to correspond with the number of centurions. Then
tearing them from the ground, mangled, and some lifeless, they flung them outside
the entrenchments or into the river Rhine. One Septimius, who fled to the tribunal
and was grovelling at Caecina’s feet, was persistently demanded till he was
given up to destruction. Cassius Chaerea, who won for himself a memory with
posterity by the murder of Caius Caesar, being then a youth of high spirit,
cleared a passage with his sword through the armed and opposing throng. Neither
tribune nor camp-prefect maintained authority any longer. Patrols, sentries,
and whatever else the needs of the time required, were distributed by the men
themselves. To those who could guess the temper of soldiers with some penetration,
the strongest symptom of a wide-spread and intractable commotion, was the fact
that, instead of being divided or instigated by a few persons, they were unanimous
in their fury and equally unanimous in their composure, with so uniform a consistency
that one would have thought them to be under command.

33. Meantime Germanicus, while, as I have related, he was collecting the
taxes of Gaul, received news of the death of Augustus. He was married to the
granddaughter of Augustus, Agrippina, by whom he had several children, and though
he was himself the son of Drusus, brother of Tiberius, and grandson of Augusta,
he was troubled by the secret hatred of his uncle and grandmother, the motives
for which were the more venomous because unjust. For the memory of Drusus was
held in honour by the Roman people, and they believed that had he obtained empire,
he would have restored freedom. Hence they regarded Germanicus with favour and
with the same hope. He was indeed a young man of unaspiring temper, and of wonderful
kindliness, contrasting strongly with the proud and mysterious reserve that
marked the conversation and the features of Tiberius. Then, there were feminine
jealousies, Livia feeling a stepmother’s bitterness towards Agrippina, and Agrippina
herself too being rather excitable, only her purity and love of her husband
gave a right direction to her otherwise imperious disposition.

34. But the nearer Germanicus was to the highest hope, the more laboriously
did he exert himself for Tiberius, and he made the neighbouring Sequani and
all the Belgic states swear obedience to him. On hearing of the mutiny in the
legions, he instantly went to the spot, and met them outside the camp, eyes
fixed on the ground, and seemingly repentant. As soon as he entered the entrenchments,
confused murmurs became audible. Some men, seizing his hand under pretence of
kissing it, thrust his fingers into their mouths, that he might touch their
toothless gums; others showed him their limbs bowed with age. He ordered the
throng which stood near him, as it seemed a promiscuous gathering, to separate
itself into its military companies. They replied that they would hear better
as they were. The standards were then to be advanced, so that thus at least
the cohorts might be distinguished. The soldiers obeyed reluctantly. Then beginning
with a reverent mention of Augustus, he passed on to the victories and triumphs
of Tiberius, dwelling with especial praise on his glorious achievements with
those legions in Germany. Next, he extolled the unity of Italy, the loyalty
of Gaul, the entire absence of turbulence or strife. He was heard in silence
or with but a slight murmur.

35. As soon as he touched on the mutiny and asked what had become of soldierly
obedience, of the glory of ancient discipline, whither they had driven their
tribunes and centurions, they all bared their bodies and taunted him with the
scars of their wounds and the marks of the lash. And then with confused exclamations
they spoke bitterly of the prices of exemptions, of their scanty pay, of the
severity of their tasks, with special mention of the entrenchment, the fosse,
the conveyance of fodder, building-timber, firewood, and whatever else had to
be procured from necessity, or as a check on idleness in the camp. The fiercest
clamour arose from the veteran soldiers, who, as they counted their thirty campaigns
or more, implored him to relieve worn-out men, and not let them die under the
same hardships, but have an end of such harassing service, and repose without
beggary. Some even claimed the legacy of the Divine Augustus, with words of
good omen for Germanicus, and, should he wish for empire, they showed themselves
abundantly willing. Thereupon, as though he were contracting the pollution of
guilt, he leapt impetuously from the tribunal. The men opposed his departure
with their weapons, threatening him repeatedly if he would not go back. But
Germanicus protesting that he would die rather than cast off his loyalty, plucked
his sword from his side, raised it aloft and was plunging it into his breast,
when those nearest him seized his hand and held it by force. The remotest and
most densely crowded part of the throng, and, what almost passes belief, some,
who came close up to him, urged him to strike the blow, and a soldier, by name
Calusidius, offered him a drawn sword, saying that it was sharper than his own.
Even in their fury, this seemed to them a savage act and one of evil precedent,
and there was a pause during which Caesar’s friends hurried him into his tent.

36. There they took counsel how to heal matters. For news was also brought
that the soldiers were preparing the despatch of envoys who were to draw the
upper army into their cause; that the capital of the Ubii was marked out for
destruction, and that hands with the stain of plunder on them would soon be
daring enough for the pillage of Gaul. The alarm was heightened by the knowledge
that the enemy was aware of the Roman mutiny, and would certainly attack if
the Rhine bank were undefended. Yet if the auxiliary troops and allies were
to be armed against the retiring legions, civil war was in fact begun. Severity
would be dangerous; profuse liberality would be scandalous. Whether all or nothing
were conceded to the soldiery, the State was equally in jeopardy. Accordingly,
having weighed their plans one against each other, they decided that a letter
should be written in the prince’s name, to the effect that full discharge was
granted to those who had served in twenty campaigns; that there was a conditional
release for those who had served sixteen, and that they were to be retained
under a standard with immunity from everything except actually keeping off the
enemy; that the legacies which they had asked, were to be paid and doubled.

37. The soldiers perceived that all this was invented for the occasion, and
instantly pressed their demands. The discharge from service was quickly arranged
by the tribunes. Payment was put off till they reached their respective winterquarters.
The men of the fifth and twenty-first legions refused to go till in the summer-camp
where they stood the money was made up out of the purses of Germanicus himself
and his friends, and paid in full. The first and twentieth legions were led
back by their officer Caecina to the canton of the Ubii, marching in disgrace,
since sums of money which had been extorted from the general were carried among
the eagles and standards. Germanicus went to the Upper Army, and the second,
thirteenth, and sixteenth legions, without any delay, accepted from him the
oath of allegiance. The fourteenth hesitated a little, but their money and the
discharge were offered even without their demanding it.

38. Meanwhile there was an outbreak among the Chauci, begun by some veterans
of the mutinous legions on garrison duty. They were quelled for a time by the
instant execution of two soldiers. Such was the order of Mennius, the camp-prefect,
more as a salutary warning than as a legal act. Then, when the commotion increased,
he fled and having been discovered, as his hiding place was now unsafe, he borrowed
a resource from audacity. “It was not,” he told them, “the camp-prefect, it
was Germanicus, their general, it was Tiberius, their emperor, whom they were
insulting.” At the same moment, overawing all resistance, he seized the standard,
faced round towards the river-bank, and exclaiming that whoever left the ranks,
he would hold as a deserter, he led them back into their winter-quarters, disaffected
indeed, but cowed.

39. Meanwhile envoys from the Senate had an interview with Germanicus, who
had now returned, at the Altar of the Ubii. Two legions, the first and twentieth,
with veterans discharged and serving under a standard, were there in winter-quarters.
In the bewilderment of terror and conscious guilt they were penetrated by an
apprehension that persons had come at the Senate’s orders to cancel the concessions
they had extorted by mutiny. And as it is the way with a mob to fix any charge,
however groundless, on some particular person, they reproached Manatius Plancus,
an ex-consul and the chief envoy, with being the author of the Senate’s decree.
At midnight they began to demand the imperial standard kept in Germanicus’s
quarters, and having rushed together to the entrance, burst the door, dragged
Caesar from his bed, and forced him by menaces of death to give up the standard.
Then roaming through the camp-streets, they met the envoys, who on hearing of
the tumult were hastening to Germanicus. They loaded them with insults, and
were on the point of murdering them, Plancus especially, whose high rank had
deterred him from flight. In his peril he found safety only in the camp of the
first legion. There clasping the standards and the eagle, he sought to protect
himself under their sanctity. And had not the eagle-bearer, Calpurnius, saved
him from the worst violence, the blood of an envoy of the Roman people, an occurrence
rare even among our foes, would in a Roman camp have stained the altars of the
gods. At last, with the light of day, when the general and the soldiers and
the whole affair were clearly recognised, Germanicus entered the camp, ordered
Plancus to be conducted to him, and received him on the tribunal. He then upbraided
them with their fatal infatuation, revived not so much by the anger of the soldiers
as by that of heaven, and explained the reasons of the envoys’ arrival. On the
rights of ambassadors, on the dreadful and undeserved peril of Plancus, and
also on the disgrace into which the legion had brought itself, he dwelt with
the eloquence of pity, and while the throng was confounded rather than appeased,
he dismissed the envoys with an escort of auxiliary cavalry.

Next: Book 1 [40]