Tacitus: Annals: Book 12 [10]

The Works of Tacitus

tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb

[1864-1877]

Tacitus: Annals Book 12 [10]

10. About the same time an embassy from the Parthians, which had been sent,
as I have stated, to solicit the return of Meherdates, was introduced into the
Senate, and delivered a message to the following effect:- “They were not,” they
said, “unaware of the treaty of alliance, nor did their coming imply any revolt
from the family of the Arsacids; indeed, even the son of Vonones, Phraates’s
grandson, was with them in their resistance to the despotism of Gotarzes, which
was alike intolerable to the nobility and to the people. Already brothers, relatives,
and distant kin had been swept off by murder after murder; wives actually pregnant,
and tender children were added to Gotarzes’ victims, while, slothful at home
and unsuccessful in war, he made cruelty a screen for his feebleness. Between
the Parthians and ourselves there was an ancient friendship, founded on a state
alliance, and we ought to support allies who were our rivals in strength, and
yet yielded to us out of respect. Kings’ sons were given as hostages, in order
that when Parthia was tired of home rule, it might fall back on the emperor
and the Senate, and receive from them a better sovereign, familiar with Roman
habits.”

11. In answer to these and like arguments Claudius began to speak of the
grandeur of Rome and the submissive attitude of the Parthians. He compared himself
to the Divine Augustus, from whom, he reminded them, they had sought a king,
but omitted to mention Tiberius, though he too had sent them sovereigns. He
added some advice for Meherdates, who was present, and told him not to be thinking
of a despot and his slaves, but rather of a ruler among fellow citizens, and
to practise clemency and justice which barbarians would like the more for being
unused to them. Then he turned to the envoys and bestowed high praise on the
young foster-son of Rome, as one whose self-control had hitherto been exemplary.
“Still,” he said, “they must bear with the caprices of kings, and frequent revolutions
were bad. Rome, sated with her glory, had reached such a height that, she wished
even foreign nations to enjoy repose.” Upon this Caius Cassius, governor of
Syria, was commissioned to escort the young prince to the bank of the Euphrates.

12. Cassius was at that time pre-eminent for legal learning. The profession
of the soldier is forgotten in a quiet period, and peace reduces the enterprising
and indolent to an equality. But Cassius, as far as it was possible without
war, revived ancient discipline, kept exercising the legions, in short, used
as much diligence and precaution as if an enemy were threatening him. This conduct
he counted worthy of his ancestors and of the Cassian family which had won renown
even in those countries. He then summoned those at whose suggestion a king had
been sought from Rome, and having encamped at Zeugma where the river was most
easily fordable and awaited the arrival of the chief men of Parthia and of Acbarus,
king of the Arabs, he reminded Meherdates that the impulsive enthusiasm of barbarians
soon flags from delay or even changes into treachery, and that therefore he
should urge on his enterprise. The advice was disregarded through the perfidy
Acbarus, by whom the foolish young prince, who thought that the highest position
merely meant self-indulgence, was detained for several days in the town of Edessa.
Although a certain Carenes pressed them to come and promised easy success if
they hastened their arrival, they did not make for Mesopotamia, which was close
to them, but, by a long detour, for Armenia, then ill-suited to their movements,
as winter was beginning.

13. As they approached the plains, wearied with the snows and mountains,
they were joined by the forces of Carenes, and having crossed the river Tigris
they traversed the country of the Adiabeni, whose king Izates had avowedly embraced
the alliance of Meherdates, though secretly and in better faith he inclined
to Gotarzes. In their march they captured the city of Ninos, the most ancient
capital of Assyria, and a fortress, historically famous, as the spot where the
last battle between Darius and Alexander the power of Persia fell. Gotarzes
meantime was offering vows to the local divinities on a mountain called Sambulos,
with special worship of Hercules, who at a stated time bids the priests in a
dream equip horses for the chase and place them near his temple. When the horses
have been laden with quivers full of arrows, they scour the forest and at length
return at night with empty quivers, panting violently. Again the god in a vision
of the night reveals to them the track along which he roamed through the woods,
and everywhere slaughtered beasts are found.

14. Gotarzes, his army not being yet in sufficient force, made the river
Corma a line of defence, and though he was challenged to an engagement by taunting
messages, he contrived delays, shifted his positions and sent emissaries to
corrupt the enemy and bribe them to throw off their allegiance. Izates of the
Adiabeni and then Acbarus of the Arabs deserted with their troops, with their
countrymen’s characteristic fickleness, confirming previous experience, that
barbarians prefer to seek a king from Rome than to keep him. Meherdates, stript
of his powerful auxiliaries and suspecting treachery in the rest, resolved,
as his last resource, to risk everything and try the issue of a battle. Nor
did Gotarzes, who was emboldened by the enemy’s diminished strength, refuse
the challenge. They fought with terrible courage and doubtful result, till Carenes,
who having beaten down all resistance had advanced too far, was surprised by
a fresh detachment in his rear. Then Meherdates in despair yielded to promises
from Parrhaces, one of his father’s adherents, and was by his treachery delivered
in chains to the conqueror. Gotarzes taunted him with being no kinsman of his
or of the Arsacids, but a foreigner and a Roman, and having cut off his ears,
bade him live, a memorial of his own clemency, and a disgrace to us. After this
Gotarzes fell ill and died, and Vonones, who then ruled the Medes, was summoned
to the throne. He was memorable neither for his good nor bad fortune; he completed
a short and inglorious reign, and then the empire of Parthia passed to his son
Vologeses.

15. Mithridates of Bosporus, meanwhile, who had lost his power and was a
mere outcast, on learning that the Roman general, Didius, and the main strength
of his army had retired, and that Cotys, a young prince without experience,
was left in his new kingdom with a few cohorts under Julius Aquila, a Roman
knight, disdaining both, roused the neighbouring tribes, and drew deserters
to his standard. At last he collected an army, drove out the king of the Dandaridae,
and possessed himself of his dominions. When this was known, and the invasion
of Bosporus was every moment expected, Aquila and Cotys, seeing that hostilities
had been also resumed by Zorsines, king of the Siraci, distrusted their own
strength, and themselves too sought the friendship of the foreigner by sending
envoys to Eunones, who was then chief of the Adorsi. There was no difficulty
about alliance, when they pointed to the power of Rome in contrast with the
rebel Mithridates. It was accordingly stipulated that Eunones should engage
the enemy with his cavalry, and the Romans undertake the siege of towns.

16. Then the army advanced in regular formation, the Adorsi in the van and
the rear, while the centre was strengthened by the cohorts, and native troops
of Bosporus with Roman arms. Thus the enemy was defeated, and they reached Soza,
a town in Dandarica, which Mithridates had abandoned, where it was thought expedient
to leave a garrison, as the temper of the people was uncertain. Next they marched
on the Siraci, and after crossing the river Panda besieged the city of Uspe,
which stood on high ground, and had the defence of wall and fosses; only the
walls, not being of stone, but of hurdles and wicker-work with earth between,
were too weak to resist an assault. Towers were raised to a greater height as
a means of annoying the besieged with brands and darts. Had not night stopped
the conflict, the siege would have been begun and finished within one day.

17. Next day they sent an embassy asking mercy for the freeborn, and offering
ten thousand slaves. As it would have been inhuman to slay the prisoners, and
very difficult to keep them under guard, the conquerors rejected the offer,
preferring that they should perish by the just doom of war. The signal for massacre
was therefore given to the soldiers, who had mounted the walls by scaling ladders.
The destruction of Uspe struck terror into the rest of the people, who thought
safety impossible when they saw how armies and ramparts, heights and difficult
positions, rivers and cities, alike yielded to their foe. And so Zorsines, having
long considered whether he should still have regard to the fallen fortunes of
Mithridates or to the kingdom of his fathers, and having at last preferred his
country’s interests, gave hostages and prostrated himself before the emperor’s
image, to the great glory of the Roman army, which all men knew to have come
after a bloodless victory within three days’ march of the river Tanais. In their
return however fortune was not equally favourable; some of their vessels, as
they were sailing back, were driven on the shores of the Tauri and cut off by
the barbarians, who slew the commander of a cohort and several centurions.

18. Meanwhile Mithridates, finding arms an unavailing resource, considered
on whose mercy he was to throw himself. He feared his brother Cotys, who had
once been a traitor, then become his open enemy. No Roman was on the spot of
authority sufficient to make his promises highly valued. So he turned to Eunones,
who had no personal animosity against him, and had been lately strengthened
by his alliance with us. Adapting his dress and expression of countenance as
much as possible to his present condition, he entered the palace, and throwing
himself at the feet of Eunones he exclaimed, “Mithridates, whom the Romans have
sought so many years by land and sea, stands before you by his own choice. Deal
as you please with the descendant of the great Achaemenes, the only glory of
which enemies have not robbed me.”

19. The great name of Mithridates, his reverse, his prayer, full of dignity,
deeply affected Eunones. He raised the suppliant, and commended him for having
chosen the nation of the Adorsi and his own good faith in suing for mercy. He
sent at the same time envoys to Caesar with a letter to this effect, that friendship
between emperors of Rome and sovereigns of powerful peoples was primarily based
on a similarity of fortune, and that between himself and Claudius there was
the tie of a common victory. Wars had glorious endings, whenever matters were
settled by an amnesty. The conquered Zorsines had on this principle been deprived
of nothing. For Mithridates, as he deserved heavier punishment, he asked neither
power nor dominions, only that he might not be led in triumph, and pay the penalty
of death.

Next: Book 12 [20]