Tacitus: Annals: Book 15 [50]

The Works of Tacitus

tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb

[1864-1877]

Tacitus: Annals Book 15 [50]

50. So, while they dropped hints among themselves or among their friends about
the emperor’s crimes, the approaching end of empire, and the importance of choosing
some one to rescue the State in its distress, they associated with them Tullius
Senecio, Cervarius Proculus, Vulcatius Araricus, Julius Augurinus, Munatius
Gratus, Antonius Natalis, and Marcius Festus, all Roman knights. Of these Senecio,
one of those who was specially intimate with Nero, still kept up a show of friendship,
and had consequently to struggle with all the more dangers. Natalis shared with
Piso all his secret plans. The rest built their hopes on revolution. Besides
Subrius and Sulpicius, whom I have already mentioned, they invited the aid of
military strength, of Gavius Silvanus and Statius Proximus, tribunes of praetorian
cohorts, and of two centurions, Maximus Scaurus and Venetus Paulus. But their
mainstay, it was thought, was Faenius Rufus, the commander of the guard, a man
of esteemed life and character, to whom Tigellinus with his brutality and shamelessness
was superior in the emperor’s regard. He harassed him with calumnies, and had
often put him in terror by hinting that he had been Agrippina’s paramour, and
from sorrow at her loss was intent on vengeance. And so, when the conspirators
were assured by his own repeated language that the commander of the praetorian
guard had come over to their side, they once more eagerly discussed the time
and place of the fatal deed. It was said that Subrius Flavus had formed a sudden
resolution to attack Nero when singing on the stage, or when his house was in
flames and he was running hither and thither, unattended, in the darkness. In
the one case was the opportunity of solitude; in the other, the very crowd which
would witness so glorious a deed, had roused a singularly noble soul; it was
only the desire of escape, that foe to all great enterprises, which held him
back.

51. Meanwhile, as they hesitated in prolonged suspense between hope and fear,
a certain Epicharis (how she informed herself is uncertain, as she had never
before had a thought of anything noble) began to stir and upbraid the conspirators.
Wearied at last of their long delay, she endeavoured, when staying in Campania,
to shake the loyalty of the officers of the fleet at Misenum, and to entangle
them in a guilty complicity. She began thus. There was a captain in the fleet,
Volusius Proculus, who had been one of Nero’s instruments in his mother’s murder,
and had not, as he thought, been promoted in proportion to the greatness of
his crime. Either, as an old acquaintance of the woman, or on the strength of
a recent intimacy, he divulged to her his services to Nero and their barren
result to himself, adding complaints, and his determination to have vengeance,
should the chance arise. He thus inspired the hope that he could be persuaded,
and could secure many others. No small help was to be found in the fleet, and
there would be numerous opportunities, as Nero delighted in frequent enjoyment
of the sea off Puteoli and Misenum. Epicharis accordingly said more, and began
the history of all the emperor’s crimes. “The Senate,” she affirmed, “had no
power left it; yet means had been provided whereby he might pay the penalty
of having destroyed the State. Only let Proculus gird himself to do his part
and bring over to their side his bravest soldiers, and then look for an adequate
recompense.” The conspirators’ names, however, she withheld. Consequently the
information of Proculus was useless, even though he reported what he had heard
to Nero. For Epicharis being summoned and confronted with the informer easily
silenced him, unsupported as he was by a single witness. But she was herself
detained in custody, for Nero suspected that even what was not proved to be
true, was not wholly false.

52. The conspirators, however, alarmed by the fear of disclosure, resolved
to hurry on the assassination at Baiae, in Piso’s villa, whither the emperor,
charmed by its loveliness, often went, and where, unguarded and without the
cumbrous grandeur of his rank, he would enjoy the bath and the banquet. But
Piso refused, alleging the odium of an act which would stain with an emperor’s
blood, however bad he might be, the sanctity of the hospitable board and the
deities who preside over it. “Better,” he said, “in the capital, in that hateful
mansion which was piled up with the plunder of the citizens, or in public, to
accomplish what on the State’s behalf they had undertaken.” So he said openly,
with however a secret apprehension that Lucius Silanus might, on the strength
of his distinguished rank and the teachings of Caius Cassius, under whom he
had been trained, aspire to any greatness and seize an empire, which would be
promptly offered him by all who had no part in the conspiracy, and who would
pity Nero as the victim of a crime. Many thought that Piso shunned also the
enterprising spirit of Vestinus, the consul, who might, he feared, rise up in
the cause of freedom, or, by choosing another emperor, make the State his own
gift. Vestinus, indeed, had no share in the conspiracy, though Nero on that
charge gratified an old resentment against an innocent man.

53. At last they decided to carry out their design on that day of the circus
games, which is celebrated in honour of Ceres, as the emperor, who seldom went
out, and shut himself up in his house or gardens, used to go to the entertainments
of the circus, and access to him was the easier from his keen enjoyment of the
spectacle. They had so arranged the order of the plot, that Lateranus was to
throw himself at the prince’s knees in earnest entreaty, apparently craving
relief for his private necessities, and, being a man of strong nerve and huge
frame, hurl him to the ground and hold him down. When he was prostrate and powerless,
the tribunes and centurions and all the others who had sufficient daring were
to rush up and do the murder, the first blow being claimed by Scaevinus, who
had taken a dagger from the Temple of Safety, or, according to another account,
from that of Fortune, in the town of Ferentum, and used to wear the weapon as
though dedicated to some noble deed. Piso, meanwhile, was wait in the sanctuary
of Ceres, whence he was to be summoned by Faenius, the commander of the guard,
and by the others, and then conveyed into the camp, accompanied by Antonia,
the daughter of Claudius Caesar, with a view to evoke the people’s enthusiasm.
So it is related by Caius Pliny. Handed down from whatever source, I had no
intention of suppressing it, however absurd it may seem, either that Antonia
should have lent her name at her life’s peril to a hopeless project, or that
Piso, with his well-known affection for his wife, should have pledged himself
to another marriage, but for the fact that the lust of dominion inflames the
heart more than any other passion.

54. It was however wonderful how among people of different class, rank, age,
sex, among rich and poor, everything was kept in secrecy till betrayal began
from the house of Scaevinus. The day before the treacherous attempt, after a
long conversation with Antonius Natalis, Scaevinus returned home, sealed his
will, and, drawing from its sheath the dagger of which I have already spoken,
and complaining that it was blunted from long disuse, he ordered it to be sharpened
on a stone to a keen and bright point. This task he assigned to his freedman
Milichus. At the same time sat down to a more than usually sumptuous banquet,
and gave his favourite slaves their freedom, and money to others. He was himself
depressed, and evidently in profound thought, though he affected gaiety in desultory
conversation. Last of all, he directed ligatures for wounds and the means of
stanching blood to be prepared by the same Milichus, who either knew of the
conspiracy and was faithful up to this point, or was in complete ignorance and
then first caught suspicions, as most authors have inferred from what followed.
For when his servile imagination dwelt on the rewards of perfidy, and he saw
before him at the same moment boundless wealth and power, conscience and care
for his patron’s life, together with the remembrance of the freedom he had received,
fled from him. From his wife, too, he had adopted a womanly and yet baser suggestion;
for she even held over him a dreadful thought, that many had been present, both
freedmen and slaves, who had seen what he had; that one man’s silence would
be useless, whereas the rewards would be for him alone who was first with the
information.

55. Accordingly at daybreak Milichus went to the Servilian gardens, and,
finding the doors shut against him, said again and again that he was the bearer
of important and alarming news. Upon this he was conducted by the gatekeepers
to one of Nero’s freedmen, Epaphroditus, and by him to Nero, whom he informed
of the urgent danger, of the formidable conspiracy, and of all else which he
had heard or inferred. He showed him too the weapon prepared for his destruction,
and bade him summon the accused. Scaevinus on being arrested by the soldiers
began his defence with the reply that the dagger about which he was accused,
had of old been regarded with a religious sentiment by his ancestors, that it
had been kept in his chamber, and been stolen by a trick of his freedman. He
had often, he said, signed his will without heeding the observance of particular
days, and had previously given presents of money as well as freedom to some
of his slaves, only on this occasion he gave more freely, because, as his means
were now impoverished and his creditors were pressing him, he distrusted the
validity of his will. Certainly his table had always been profusely furnished,
and his life luxurious, such as rigid censors would hardly approve. As to the
bandages for wounds, none had been prepared at his order, but as all the man’s
other charges were absurd, he added an accusation in which he might make himself
alike informer and witness.

56. He backed up his words by an air of resolution. Turning on his accuser,
he denounced him as an infamous and depraved wretch, with so fearless a voice
and look that the information was beginning to collapse, when Milichus was reminded
by his wife that Antonious Natalis had had a long secret conversation with Scaevinus,
and that both were Piso’s intimate friends. Natalis was therefore summoned,
and they were separately asked what the conversation was, and what was its subject.
Then a suspicion arose because their answers did not agree, and they were both
put in irons. They could not endure the sight and the threat of torture. Natalis
however, taking the initiative, knowing as he did more of the whole conspiracy,
and being also more practised in accusing, first confessed about Piso, next
added the name of Annaeus Seneca, either as having been a messenger between
him and Piso, or to win the favour of Nero, who hated Seneca and sought every
means for his ruin. Then Scaevinus too, when he knew the disclosure of Natalis,
with like pusillanimity, or under the impression that everything now divulged,
and that there could be no advantage in silence, revealed the other conspirators.
Of these, Lucanus, Quintianus, and Senecio long persisted in denial; after a
time, when bribed by the promise of impunity, anxious to excuse their reluctance,
Lucanus named his mother Atilla, Quintianus and Senecio, their chief friends,
respectively, Glitius Gallus and Annius Pollio.

57. Nero, meanwhile, remembering that Epicharis was in custody on the information
of Volusius Proculus, and assuming that a woman’s frame must be unequal to the
agony, ordered her to be torn on the rack. But neither the scourge nor fire,
nor the fury of the men as they increased the torture that they might not be
a woman’s scorn, overcame her positive denial of the charge. Thus the first
day’s inquiry was futile. On the morrow, as she was being dragged back on a
chair to the same torments (for with her limbs all dislocated she could not
stand), she tied a band, which she had stript off her bosom, in a sort of noose
to the arched back of the chair, put her neck in it, and then straining with
the whole weight of her body, wrung out of her frame its little remaining breath.
All the nobler was the example set by a freedwoman at such a crisis in screening
strangers and those whom she hardly knew, when freeborn men, Roman knights,
and senators, yet unscathed by torture, betrayed, every one, his dearest kinsfolk.
For even Lucanus and Senecio and Quintianus failed not to reveal their accomplices
indiscriminately, and Nero was more and more alarmed, though he had fenced his
person with a largely augmented guard.

58. Even Rome itself he put, so to say, under custody, garrisoning its walls
with companies of soldiers and occupying with troops the coast and the river-banks.
Incessantly were there flying through the public places, through private houses,
country fields, and the neighbouring villages, horse and foot soldiers, mixed
with Germans, whom the emperor trusted as being foreigners. In long succession,
troops of prisoners in chains were dragged along and stood at the gates of his
gardens. When they entered to plead their cause, a smile of joy on any of the
conspirators, a casual conversation, a sudden meeting, or the fact of having
entered a banquet or a public show in company, was construed into a crime, while
to the savage questionings of Nero and Tigellinus were added the violent menaces
of Faenius Rufus, who had not yet been named by the informers, but who, to get
the credit of complete ignorance, frowned fiercely on his accomplices. When
Subius Flavus at his side asked him by a sign whether he should draw his sword
in the middle of the trial and perpetrate the fatal deed, Rufus refused, and
checked the man’s impulse as he was putting his hand to his sword-hilt.

59. Some there were who, as soon as the conspiracy was betrayed, urged Piso,
while Milichus’ story was being heard, and Scaevinus was hesitating, to go to
the camp or mount the Rostra and test the feelings of the soldiers and of the
people. “If,” said they, “your accomplices join your enterprise, those also
who are yet undecided, will follow, and great will be the fame of the movement
once started, and this in any new scheme is all-powerful. Against it Nero has
taken no precaution. Even brave men are dismayed by sudden perils; far less
will that stageplayer, with Tigellinus forsooth and his concubines in his train,
raise arms against you. Many things are accomplished on trial which cowards
think arduous. It is vain to expect secrecy and fidelity from the varying tempers
and bodily constitutions of such a host of accomplices. Torture or reward can
overcome everything. Men will soon come to put you also in chains and inflict
on you an ignominious death. How much more gloriously will you die while you
cling to the State and invoke aid for liberty. Rather let the soldiers fail,
the people be traitors, provided that you, if prematurely robbed of life, justify
your death to your ancestors and descendants.” Unmoved by these considerations,
Piso showed himself a few moments in public, then sought the retirement of his
house, and there fortified his spirit against the worst, till a troop of soldiers
arrived, raw recruits, or men recently enlisted, whom Nero had selected, because
he was afraid of the veterans, imbued, though they were, with a liking for him.
Piso expired by having the veins in his arms severed. His will, full of loathsome
flatteries of Nero, was a concession to his love of his wife, a base woman,
with only a beautiful person to recommend her, whom he had taken away from her
husband, one of his friends. Her name was Atria Galla; that of her former husband,
Domitius Silus. The tame spirit of the man, the profligacy of the woman, blazoned
Piso’s infamy.

Next: Book 15 [60]