The Alexiad

by

Anna Comnena (Komnene)

Edited and translated by Elizabeth A. Dawes.

London: Routledge, Kegan, Paul, 1928.

BOOK III

The Accession of Alexius and Interfamily Power Struggles

I Directly the Comneni had taken possession of the palace they dispatched to
the Emperor their niece’s husband, Michael, who later became Logothete of the
private treasure. With him went a certain Rhadinus who was then Prefect of the
city, and by them the Emperor was conducted into a barque and taken a short distance
to the famous Monastery of the Peribleptos where they both urged him to don the
monastic habit. He, however, wished to defer this for a time, but they in their
dread lest a rebellion should be manoeuvred by those two slaves and the soldiers
from Coma during the prevailing disorder and confusion, urgently counselled him
to be tonsured, and he yielded to their persuasions and forthwith assumed the
“dress of angels.” Such is Fortune’s way! At one moment she exalts a man when
she wishes to smile on him, and places a kingly diadem on his head, and purple
shoes on his feet; at the next she frowns upon him, and in place of diadems and
purple she clothes him in black rags. And this is what happened to the Emperor
Botaniates. When asked once by an acquaintance if he easily bore the change, he
replied, ” Abstinence from meat is the only thing that bothers me, as for the
rest I care very little.”

In the meantime Queen Maria with her son, Constantine (whom she had by the
ex-emperor Michael Ducas) still stayed on in the palace, for she was anxious about
her fair-haired Menelaus, as the poet says; and her relationship gave her quite
sufficient excuse for remaining, although there were some who, prompted by envy,
suggested other reasons, and said she had anticipated matters by making one of
the Comneni her son-in-law, and the other her adopted son. This consideration
alone decided her to remain, and not a reason which is generally censured, nor
the attractiveness and affability of the Comneni, on the contrary it was because
she was in a foreign country, without kith or kin, or even a [72] fellow countryman
near her. She did not wish to quit the palace hurriedly for fear lest some evil
should befall her son unless she first received a guarantee for his safety; for
such accidents do occur during a change of dynasty. The child was very beautiful
and quite young, being only in his seventh year and (I trust I may be allowed
to praise my own relations when the nature of the circumstances demands it) in
the opinion of those who saw him at that time he was unrivalled for his sweet
disposition and his childish grace in all his movements and games, as those who
were there with him afterwards said. He was fair-haired with a milk-white complexion,
suffused in the right places with a delicate pink, like that of a rose just bursting
its sheath ; his eyes were not light, but gleamed from under his eyebrows like
those of a hawk’s under a golden hood. As a result he affected all beholders pleasurably
in one way or the other and seemed to be of celestial, rather than earthly, beauty
– in short he exactly resembled a picture of Eros, as who beheld him might have
remarked. This was the true reason of the Queen’s remaining in the palace, Now
I am by nature averse to fabricating tales and inventing slanders, though I know
this is a common practice, especially if people are bitten by envy or malice,
nor do I lend a ready ear to popular calumnies; moreover, in this matter I know
from other sources the truth of the matter. For from childhood, from eight years
upwards, I was brought up with the Queen, and as she conceived a warm affection
for me she confided all her secrets to me. I have also heard many others discussing
the course of events at this time, and they differed from each other, each one
interpreting them according to his own state of mind or to the degree of good-will
or hatred he bore the Queen, and thus I discovered that they were not all of the
same opinion. Likewise I have heard her herself too narrating the occurrences,
and the panic into which she fell about her son, when Nicephorus was deposed.
Thus in my opinion and that of the real seekers after the truth, it was only anxiety
for her son which detained the Queen in the palace for a short time then. I have
said enough about Queen Maria. My father Alexius who had now grasped the sceptre
came and dwelt in the palace, but left his wife, fifteen years’ of age, with her
sisters, mother and her imperial grandfather on her father’s side in the ‘ Lower’
palace as it was generally called from its site. And he himself with his brothers
and mother and nearest male relations moved into the ‘Upper’ palace, which is
also called [73] ‘Boucoleon’ for the following reason. Not far from its walls
a harbour had been constructed long ago of native stone and marbles, and there
stood a sculptured lion seizing a bull-for he is clinging to the bull’s horn,
pulling his head back, and has fixed his teeth in the bull’s throat. So from this
statue the whole place, that is both the buildings there and the harbour itself,
has been named Boucoleon.

II And now, as I said above, many people were suspicious of the Queen’s staying
in the palace, and began to whisper that the present holder of the sceptre would
take her in marriage. The family of Ducas, however, did not imagine any such thing
(for they were not biased by current opinion), but as they had long recognized
the undisguised hatred the mother of the Comneni bore them, they lived in constant
dread and suspicion of her, as I have repeatedly heard them tell, Therefore when
George Palaeologus arrived with the fleet and started the acclamations, those
in attendance on the Comneni bent down to them from the walls, and told them to
be silent, fearing they might join the name of Irene to that of Alexius and acclaim
them together. At this George waxed angry and shouted up to them, “It is not for
you that I undertook this heavy conflict, but just for her you mention, Irene.”
And straightway he bade the sailors shout for Irene as well as Alexius. These
doings cast dire terror into the souls of the Ducas family and furnished the malicious
with material for ribald jokes against Queen Maria. Meanwhile the Emperor Alexius,
who had never had any such idea (for why should he?), having taken over the Roman
Empire, and being a man of unvarying energy, at once undertook the whole management
of the affairs, and began directing everything from the centre, so to say. For
he took possession of the palace at sunrise and before even shaking off the dust
of combat or allowing his body any rest, he was wholly plunged in thought about
military matters. His brother Isaac, whom he reverenced as a father, he made his
confidant on all matters, as he did his mother, and they both assisted him in
the administration of the common weal; not but what his great and active mind
would have sufficed not only for the administration of one kingdom, but several.
Alexius first directed his attention to the most urgent question and spent the
rest of that day and the whole of the night in anxiety about the crowd of soldiers
dispersed throughout Byzantium. For these were indulging their animal passions
to the full, and he was devising a means of checking their undue licence [74]
without causing a revolt, and of ensuring peace for the citizens in the future.
In any case he feared the recklessness of the soldiers all the more because the
army was composed of many different elements, and he wondered whether they might
not even be hatching some plot against himself. And the Caesar, John Ducas, was
anxious to get rid of Queen Maria, and – drive her out of the palace as quickly
as possible, and thus allay people’s unjust suspicions, so first he tried in divers
ways to win over the Patriarch Cosmas, imploring him to be on their side and to
turn a deaf ear to the suggestions of the Comneni’s mother, and secondly he very
sensibly advised the Queen to ask the Emperor for a letter to assure her own and
her son’s safety and then to leave the palace, and in this instance he used what
is called the “Patroclus” excuse. [* Cf. Iliad, 19: 302] For once before he had
succeeded in providing for her, namely, after Michael Ducas’ deposition, when
he had advised the latter’s successor, Nicephorus Botaniates, to take her in marriage,
because she came from another country and had not a crowd of kinsfolk to give
the Emperor trouble, and he had told Botaniates a great deal about her family
and personal beauty, and often praised her to him. And certainly she was as slender
of stature as a cypress, her skin was white as snow, and though her face was not
a perfect round, yet her complexion was exactly like a spring flower or a rose.
And what mortal could describe the radiance of her eyes? Her eyebrows were well-marked
and red-gold, while her eyes were blue. Full many a painter’s hand has successfully
imitated the colours of the various flowers the seasons bring, but this queen’s
beauty, the radiance of her grace and the charm and sweetness of her manners surpassed
all description and all art. Never did Apelles or Pheidias or any of the sculptors
produce a statue so beautiful. The Gorgon’s head was said to turn those who looked
upon it into stone, but anyone who saw the Queen walking or met her unexpectedly,
would have gaped and remained rooted to the spot, speechless, as if apparently
robbed of his mind and wits. There was such harmony of limbs and features, such
perfect relation of the whole to the parts and of the parts to the whole, as was
never before seen in a mortal body, she was a living statue, a joy to all true
lovers of the beautiful. In a word, she was an incarnation of Love come down to
this terrestrial globe.

By use of the above-mentioned arguments the Caesar soothed and appeased the
Emperor’s mind, although many [75] advised him to marry Eudocia. Of her it was
whispered that in her desire to become “Empress” for the second time, she wooed
Botaniates with letters at the time that he occupied Damalis and was hoping to
be raised to imperial power. Others say that she did not do this for herself,
but for her daughter Zoe Porphyrogenita; and perhaps she would have attained her
desire, had not one of the servants, the eunuch, Leo Cydoniates, checked her by
giving her much cogent advice. What this was it would not be right for me to detail
as I am by nature averse to slander, so I will leave it to those who like to chronicle
such things. However the Caesar John who had approached Botaniates on this subject
with every kind of art, finally settled the matter by persuading him to marry
the Princess Maria as I have already plainly stated and from henceforth John was
allowed much freedom of speech in her presence. It took some days to arrange matters,
and the Comneni did not want to drive her from the palace at once, seeing that
they had received so many kindnesses at her hands during the time she was Empress,
and also because of the intimacy between them which bad grown up owing to their
mutual connection. Consequently many rumours indicative of varying dispositions
were set afloat, some interpreting the facts in one way, others in another, according
to the degree of good- or ill-will each individual bore her, for people are wont
to judge according their prejudices rather than according to the real facts.
During this time Alexius was crowned without his Queen by the right hand of the
Patriarch Cosmas. The latter, a reverend man full of holiness, had been elected
to succeed the saintly Patriarch John Xiphilinus, who had died on the 2nd August
of the thirteenth Indiction in the fourth year of the reign of Michael Ducas,
the son of Constantine . The fact that the imperial diadem had not yet been conferred
on the Queen, still further alarmed the family of Ducas, who now insisted on Queen
Irene’s being crowned too. Now there was a certain monk Eustratius, surnamed Garidas,
who was building a house near the large church of God, and from this it seems,
had gained a reputation for sanctity. He had already in former times been a frequent
visitor to the mother of the Comneni and had predicted her son’s rise to the throne.
She was in any case fond of monks, and in this instance being soothed by flattering
words, she daily showed him increasing confidence and had begun to plan his elevation
to the patriarchal seat of the metropolis. Alleging as excuse the simple and [76]
unpractical mind of the reigning patriarch she persuaded some friends to suggest
to him the idea of resigning in the form of advice which they pretended to offer
as most conducive to his welfare. But the holy man was not blind to these machinations,
and finally he swore by his own name and said, “By Cosmas, unless Irene receives
the crown from my hands, I shall not resign from the patriarchate.” The men forthwith
reported these words to the “Mistress,” for thus she was generally called now
by the wish of the Emperor who was devoted to his mother. And so seven days after
Alexius was publically proclaimed Empero, his wife Irene was also crowned by the
Patriarch Cosmas.

III Now the appearance of this imperial couple, Alexius and Irene, was inconceivably
beautiful and absolutely inimitable. No painter striving after the archetype of
beauty, would have been been able to picture them nor would a sculptor be able
so to compose the lifeless material. Even that well known canon of Polycleitus
would have seemed to lack the first principles of art, if anyone looked first
at these natural statues – I mean the newly-crowned couple – and then at Polycleitus’
masterpieces. Alexius indeed was not especially tall but rather broad, and yet
his breadth was well proportioned to his height. When standing he did not strike
the onlookers with such admiration, but if when sitting on the imperial throne,
he shot forth the fierce splendour of his eyes, he seemed to be a blaze of lightning,
such irresistible radiance shone from his face, nay from his whole person. He
had black arched eyebrows, from beneath which his eyes darted a glance at once
terrible and tender, so that from the gleam of his eyes, the radiance of his face,
the dignified curve of his cheeks and the ruddy colour that suffused them, both
awe and confidence were awakened. His broad shoulders, muscular arms, mighty chest,
in fact his generally heroic appearance, evoked in the multitude the greatest
admiration and pleasure. From his whole person emanated beauty and grace and dignity,
and an unapproachable majesty. And if he entered into conversation and let loose
his tongue, you would have realized from his first words that fiery eloquence
dwelt on his lips. For with a flood of argument he would carry the opinions of
his hearers with him, for truly he could not be surpassed in discussion or action,
being as ready with his tongue as with his hand, the one for hurling the spear,
the other for casting fresh spells.

On the other hand, Irene, the Empress and my mother [77] was only a girl at
the time for she had not yet completed her fifteenth year. She was the little
daughter of Andronicus, the eldest son of the Caesar, and of illustrious lineage,
for she traced her descent from the famous houses of Andronicus and Constantine
Ducas. She was just like some young, ever-blooming plant, all her limbs and features
were perfectly symmetrical, each being broad or narrow in due proportion. She
was so charming to look at as well as listen to that eyes and ears seemed unable
to get their fill of seeing and hearing. Her face too shone with the soft glamour
of the moon, it was not fashioned in a perfect circle like the faces of the Assyrian
women, nor again was it very long like those of the Scythians, but it was just
slightly modified from a perfect round. And the bloom of her cheeks was such that
their rosy hue was visible even to those who stool afar off. Her eyes were blue,
yet in spite of their gaiety, they were somewhat awe-inspiring, so that though
by their gladness and beauty they attracted the eyes of all beholders, yet these
felt constrained to close their eyes so that they knew neither how to resist looking
at her nor how to look. Whether there ever existed such a person as the described
by the poets and writers of old, I really cannot say, but the following tale I
have often heard repeated, namely that, if in those olden days a man had said
that this Empress was Athena in mortal guise or that she had glided down from
heaven in heavenly brilliance and unapproachable splendour he would not have been
far from the truth. The most surprising feature, seldom found in other women,
was that she abashed the audacious, but by a single glance gave fresh courage
to those abashed by fear. Her lips were generally closed, and thus silent she
resembled a living statue of beauty, a breathing pillar of grace. She usually
accompanied her words with appropriate gestures, displaying her forearm up to
the elbow, and from the shape of her hands and fingers you would have thought
they were wrought in ivory by some artificer. The pupils of her eyes resembled
a calm sea shining with the intense blue of quiet deep water; the white surrounding
the pupils was extraordinarily bright, thus giving the eyes an indescribable dazzling
and exquisite beauty. This then was the appearance of Irene and Alexius. My Uncle
Isaac, again, was like his brother in stature, and not very different from him
in other respects, his complexion however was paler, and his beard less thick
than his brother’s especially round the jaws. Both the brothers often indulged
[78] in the chase if there was no great stress of business, but their chief pleasure
they found in military, rather than in hunting, adventures. In an attack on an
enemy, nobody ever outran Isaac, even when he was commanding a regiment, for no
sooner did he see the enemy’s lines than he forgot all else and hurled himself
into their midst like a thunderbolt and quickly threw their men into disarray.
For this reason he was captured more than once, when fighting against the Hagarenes
in Asia. This characteristic of his, that in battle he would not be restrained,
is the only one worthy of censure in my uncle.

IV As it was necessary in accordance with his promise to bestow upon Melissenus
Nicephorus the dignity of ‘Caesar,’ and it was only right that his eldest brother
Isaac should be honoured with some higher title and there was no second degree
except that of ‘ Caesar,’ the Emperor Alexius invented a new name by compounding
the names of ‘Sebastos’ [*Greek for ‘Augustus”] and ‘Autocrator,’ and bestowed
upon his brother the title ‘Sebastocrator,’ making him, as it were, a second Emperor,
and exalting him a step above the ‘ Caesar ‘ who was now counted third in the
acclamations, including the acclamation to the Emperor. Further he ordered that
on the public festivals both the Sebastocrator and the Caesar should wear crowns
which were, however, very inferior in grandeur to the diadem he wore himself.
The imperial diadem, or tiara, was like a semi-spherical close-fitting cap, and
profusely adorned with pearls and jewels, some inserted and some pendent ; on
either side at the temples two lappets of pearls and jewels hung down on the cheeks.
This diadem is the essentially distinctive feature of the Imperial dress. But
the coronets of the Sebastocrators and Caesars are but sparingly decorated with
pearls and jewels, and have no globe.

Simultaneously, Taronites who had married the Emperor’s sister, was created
‘Protosebastos’ and ‘Protovestiaire,’ and soon afterwards he was gazetted ‘Panhypersebastos,’
and then sat with the Caesar. Besides these his brother Adrian was dignified with
the title of most illustrious Protosebastos, and his youngest brother Nicephorus,
who had been promoted to be the ‘great Drungaire’ of the fleet, was now raised
to the rank of the Sebasti. Now my father was the inventor of all these new honorary
titles, some he made by compounding names, of which I gave an instance above,
and the others by applying them to a new use. For names like [79 ‘Panhypersebastos
‘ and ‘ Sebastocrator ‘ and similar ones he compounded, but the dignity of ‘ Sebastos’
he seems to me to have applied to a new use. For from olden times the epithet
‘Sebastos’had been given only to the Emperors and the name ‘Sebastos’ was peculiar
to them, and my father was the first to bestow it on several of lower rank. And
if anyone were to reckon the art of ruling as a science and a kind of high philosophy,
as if it were the art of all arts and the science of all sciences, then he would
certainly admire my father as a skilful scientist and artist for having invented
those new titles and functions in the Empire. Not but what the masters of the
logical science have invented new names for the sake of clearness, but this man
Alexius, the arch-scientist of Emperors, instituted them for the advantage of
the Empire and often made innovations both in the apportioning of duties and in
the bestowal of titles.

To return, however, to the revered Patriarch Cosmas, of whom we were speaking
– a few days after he had solemnised the sacred rites in memory of the hierarch,
John the Theologian, in the chapel in Hebdomon named after him, he resigned his
high office, after gracing it for five years and nine months, and retired to the
monastery of Callias. And after him the aforementioned eunuch, Eustratius Garidas,
was put at the helm of the patriarchal government.

Now when his father Michael Ducas was ousted from the throne, Queen Maria’s
son, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, doffed the red buskins of his own accord and
assumed ordinary black ones, but Nicephorus Botaniates who succeeded his father
as Emperor, bade him take off the black buskins and wear silk shoes of varied
colours, as he felt some reverence for the young man, and liked him for his beauty
and his high descent, for he grudged him indeed the splendour of entirely red
buskins, but allowed him to have a few spots of red shewing in his woven shoes.
Then after Alexius Comnenus had been proclaimed Emperor, the Queen Maria, Constantine’s
mother, in obedience to the Caesar’s suggestion, demanded from the Emperor a written
pledge, which would be inviolable by being written in red and sealed with a gold
seal, to the effect that not only she and her son should suffer no harm, but further
that her son should be the Emperor’s partner, allowed to wear red buskins and
a crown, and be acclaimed as Emperor together with Alexius himself. Nor did she
fail in her request, for she received a Golden Bull granting all she asked. Next
they took from Constantine the woven silk [79] shoes he used to wear, and gave
him red ones, and in the future he put his signature in red after that of Alexius
to an deeds of gift and to Golden Bulls, and in processions he followed him, wearing
the imperial diadem. Some persons assert that the Queen had made an agreement
with the Comneni before their revolt that these privileges should be granted to
her son. Matters being thus settled, she left the palace with a decent suite,
to reside in the house built by the late Emperor Constantine Monomachus close
to the monastery of the great martyr George (still popularly called ‘Mangana’),and
Isaac the Sebastocrator accompanied her.

V Such then were the arrangements made by the Comneni for the Queen Maria.
The Emperor who from infancy had received a good education and always conformed
to his mother’s counsels, and was imbued with a deep-seated awe of God, was now
tortured with remorse for the plundering of the city, which had taken place on
his occupation of it, and brought suffering upon all the inhabitants. For indeed
a smooth path occasionally drives a man to some act of madness if he has never
in the smallest degree come into contact with rude shocks; but provided the man
be one of the cautious and prudent-minded, when such a one has lapsed, his spirit
is immediately smitten with fear of God, and overwhelmed and alarmed, and more
especially so, if he has undertaken a great enterprise and risen to a proud station.
For he is troubled by a dread that by acting ignorantly, audaciously and insolently
he may call down the wrath of God upon himself, and be hurled from his throne
and lose all he had hitherto possessed. For such was the stateof Saul long ago;
when God, because of the King’s presumptuousness, rent his kingdom in twain. Alexius
was distraught with these reflections and vexed in soul, lest God should make
him a scapegoat- for whatever crime had been committed anywhere in the city by
any individual soldier- and the rabble which had surged through it at that time
had been enormous-he counted as his own and reckoned that it was as if he himself
had perpetrated the many deeds of shame. Thus he was wounded and sore stricken
in mind; and his Empire and power, his purple robes and diadem encrusted with
jewels, and his golden dress sewn with pearl she accounted, as was only right,
as of no value compared with the indescribable calamity which had overtaken the
Queen of Cities. For nobody, were he to attempt it, could adequately describe
the evils which at that time had overwhelmed the city. [81] Even the very churches
and shrines and all property, both public and private, had been ruthlessly despoiled
everywhere by everybody, one’s ears were deafened by the cries and shouts raised
on all sides-in fact, an onlooker would have said an earthquake was taking place.
All these things Alexius revolved in his mind and was consequently vexed and harassed
in spirit, and did not know how to stem the tide of his sorrow. For he was very
quick in coming to the right appreciation of any evil deed. And although he knew
that these occurrences under which the city had been so evilly entreated, were
wrought by other men’s hands and minds, yet he was also most keenly conscious
that he himself had furnished the pretext for, and the beginning of, the calamity;
although again the primary cause of Alexius’ revolt had been the two slaves of
whom I have spoken before. But even so he attributed the whole blame to himself,
and was anxious and desirous to heal the wound. For he felt that only after the
wound had been healed and the stain of guilt removed, could he set his hand to
the affairs of state, and successfully direct and carry out his plans for the
army and military operations. Accordingly he visited his mother, laid bare to
her his creditable remorse and asked her how he could allay and gain relief from
the anxieties which gnawed at his conscience. She embraced her son and listened
to his words with gladness. And then with Alexius’ consent she sent for Cosmas
(who had not yet resigned his seat), and some of the leaders of the sacred synod
and of the monastic body. Alexius placed himself before these men as a condemned
criminal, as a humble suppliant, nay, more as a man arraigned before the magistrate
and momentarily expecting the verdict which the judge will pronounce against him.
He related everything, omitting no offence, or humiliation, or deed, or reason
for his actions, but in fear and faithfulness he told everything and earnestly
besought them to cure him of his sufferings and submitted himself to their punishments.
Thereupon the priests subjected not only him but all his blood-relations, as well
as the participators in the rebellion, to the same penances, prescribing fasting,
sleeping on the ground, and the other accompanying rites for the propitiation
of God. And they all accepted these penances and performed them zealously. Nor
would their wives allow themselves to be exempted from these penances (for being
very fond of their husbands why should they?) but of their own free will they
put on the yoke of penitence. In those days you could have seen the palace [82]
full of weeping and mourning, mourning which was not reprehensible or indicative
of weak minds, but commendable and a harbinger of that far greater joy which shall
never cease. But the Emperor, such was his piety, went even further and wore sackcloth
next to his skin underneath his imperial purple for forty days and nights. At
night he lay on the ground with only his head raised on a stone and lamenting
his faults as was right. After his penance was over, he resumed the management
of state affairs with pure hands.

VI He really longed that his mother rather than himself should take the helm
of the state, but so far he had concealed this design from her, fearing that if
she became cognizant of it, she might actually leave the palace, as he knew she
aimed at the higher life. Therefore in all daily business he did nothing, not
even a trifling thing, without her advice, but made her the recipient and coadjutor
of his plans, and gradually he stole a march upon her and made her a partner in
the administration of affairs, sometimes too he would say openly that without
her brain and judgment the Empire would go to pieces.

By these means he kept and bound his mother more closely to himself, but hindered
and thwarted her in her desires. She however looked towards her last abode and
dreamt of a convent in which she might spend the remainder of her life in pious
meditation. This was her intention, and she always prayed that her wish might
be granted. Although she cherished this hope in her heart and steadfastly yearned
towards a higher life, yet she was, an the other hand, perhaps more devoted to
her son than most women. And so she wished to help her son to breast the stormy
waters of government and to steer the ship as well as possible, whether she ran
with a fair wind or were tossed hither and thither by the waves; and her desire
to help was the stronger because her son had only just taken his seat in the stem
and put his hand to the tiller, and had never before come in contact with a sea
and waves and winds of such magnitude. By this metaphor I mean to indicate the
very varied and disturbing troubles of Government. Thus her mother-love constrained
her and she ruled conjointly with the Emperor, her son, and at times even took
the reins alone and drove the chariot of Empire without harm or mishap. For besides
being clever she had in very truth a kingly mind, capable of governing a kingdom.
On the other hand, she was drawn in an opposite direction by her longing after
God.

[83] When in August of the same Indiction, Robert’s crossing into Epirus forced
Alexius to leave the capital he divulged his cherished plan, and gave effect to
it, by entrusting his mother single-handed with the imperial government and by
a Golden Bull he published his wishes to all the world. Since it is the duty of
a historian not merely to catalogue roughly the deeds and decrees of good men,
but wherever possible, to add details about the former and to expound the latter,
I will adopt this course, and give the words of this Golden Bull, only omitting
the scribe’s embellishments. It ran thus: ” Nothing is equivalent to a sympathetic
and devoted mother nor is there any stronger bulwark, be it that danger is foreseen,
or any other horror apprehended. For if she decides anything that decision will
be a firm one; if she prays, her prayers will be a support and invincible guardians.
Such a woman my saintly mother has proved herself actually to me, your sovereign,
even from my immature years, and she has been mistress in everything to me, and
nurse and upbringer. For though my mother herself was enrolled in the senate,
yet her love for her son was her prime course and her confidence in that son was
preserved intact. One soul in two bodies we were recognized to be, and by the
grace of Christ that bond has been kept unbroken to this day. ‘Mine’ and ‘thine,’
those frigid words, were never spoken, and a matter of still greater import is
that her prayers, of great frequency throughout her life, have reached & ears
of the Lord and have raised me to my present position of sovereign. After I had
taken the sceptre of empire, she could not bear to be dissociated from my work
and from interesting herself in mine and the public weal, and now 1, your sovereign,
am preparing, with the help of God, for a sortie against the enemies of Rome,
and with great care am collecting and organizing an army, yet I deem the administration
of financial and political affairs the matter of supreme importance. And certainly
I have found what is an unassailable bulwark for good government, that is, that
the whole administration should be entrusted to my saintly and most deeply honoured
mother. I, your sovereign, therefore decree explicitly by means of this same Golden
Bull that, in virtue of her ripe experience of worldly matters (though she utterly
despises them), whatever decrees she gives in writing whether the matter be referred
to her by the president of the Civil Courts, or by the judges under him, or by
any of all those others who prepare registers or demands or verdicts concerning
public remissions of fines, [84]these decrees shall have abiding validity just
as if they had been dispensed by my own serene Majesty or ordered by my own word
of mouth. And whatever solutions or whatever orders, written or unwritten, reasonable
or unreasonable, she shall give, provided they bear her seal-the Transfiguration
and the Assumption-these shall be accounted as coming from my sovereign hand.
And in the mouth of him who, for the time being, presides over the financial department,
as also with regard to promotions and successions to the judgeships of the higher
and lower tribunals, and with regard to dignities, magistracies and gifts of immovable
property, my holy mother shall have sovereign power to do whatsoever shall seem
good to her. And further if any be promoted to judgeships or succeed to minor
posts, if any receive the highest, lower, or lowest orders of merit, these they
shall retain for ever unchangeably. And again with regard to increase of salaries,
supplements to gifts, remission of taxes, and retrenchments and curtailments,
these my mother shall settle absolutely. And to put it comprehensively, nothing
shall be accounted invalid, that she shall order either by letter or by word of
mouth. For her words and her commands shall be considered as given by me, your
sovereign, and not one of them shall be annulled, but shall remain valid and in
force for the coming years. And neither immediately nor in the future shall she
ever be called to give an account or to undergo an examination by anyone whatsoever,
either of her ministers or by the Chancellor for the time being, whether her decrees
appear reasonable or unreasonable. In fine, whatsoever shall be done under confirmation
of this same Golden Bull of that no account shall ever be demanded in the future.”

VII Such were the words of the Golden Bull. Men may perhaps marvel that my
father, the Emperor, should have shown so much honour to his mother in it, and
handed over everything to her, whilst he himself, so to speak, took his hands
off the reins of Government and whilst she metaphorically drove the chariot of
state, he only ran alongside and merely shared with her the title of ruler. And
this in spite of his having passed the years of boyhood and being of an age when
characters like his are generally obsessed with the lust of power. He did certainly
himself undertake the wars against the barbarians and all the labours and difficulties
connected with those, but the whole administration of affairs, the choice of civil
officers and the accounts of the income and expenditure [85] of the Empire he
entrusted to his mother. Very likely someone at this point would blame my father’s
management in transferring the administration of the Empire to the woman’s apartments,
but if he thoroughly understood this woman’s high-mindedness and knew what virtue
and intellect and remarkable energy she possessed, he would leave off blaming
and turn his censure into wondering praise. For my grandmother was so clever in
business and so skilful in guiding a State, and setting it in order, that she
was capable of not only administering the Roman Empire, but any other of all the
countries the sun shines upon. She was a woman of wide experience and knew the
nature of many things, how each thing began and to what issue it would come, and
which things were destructive of certain others, and which again would strengthen
others; she was very keen in noting what should be done and clever in carrying
it out to a sure end. And not only was she so remarkable intellectually, but her
powers of speech too, corresponded to her intellect, for she was really a most
convincing orator, not verbose or apt to drag out her speeches to a great length
nor did the spirit of her subject quickly fail her, but she would start happily,
and also end in the happiest way. For imperial authority had devolved upon her
when she was of a ripe age, just when the powers of thought are at their height,
and judgment has matured, and knowledge of affairs is correspondingly at its height,
and from these management and administration gain their force. People of this
age can naturally not only speak with more wisdom than the young, as the tragedian
says, but they can also act more expediently. In earlier days too when she was
still counted among the younger women, it was quite wonderful how she seemed to
have ” an old head on young shoulders.” Anyone who had eyes to see could have
gathered from her expression the fund of virtue and worth that lay in her. However,
as I was saying, my father, when he had taken the sceptre, reserved for himself
the contests and sweats of war at which his mother looked on, but her he established
as mistress and like a slave he would do and say whatever she bade. The Emperor
verily loved her exceedingly, and he hung on her counsels (so fond was he of his
mother) and he made his right hand the servant of her wishes and his sense of
hearing the listener to her words, and in every case the Emperor would agree or
disagree according as she agreed or disagreed. To put it concisely, the situation
was as follows, he indeed had the semblance of reigning but [86] she really reigned-moreover
she drew up laws, administered and directed everything ; all her orders, written
or unwritten, he confirmed by his seal or by word-and thus it may be said, he
was the instrument of Empire for her, but not the Emperor. He was satisfied with
everything his mother arranged and decided and not only was he very obedient as
a son to his mother, but he subjected his mind to her as to a master of the science
of ruling. For he was convinced that she had reached perfection in all points
and that in knowledge and comprehension of affairs she far surpassed all men of
the time.

VIII Such was the beginning of Alexius’ reign, for to style him ‘Emperor’ at
this time would be scarcely correct, as he had handed over the supervision of
the Empire to his mother. Another person might yield here to the conventional
manner of panegyric, and laud the birthplace of this wonderful mother, and trace
her descent from the Dalassenian Hadrians and Charons, and then embark on the
ocean of her ancestors’ achievements-but as I am writing history, it is not correct
to deduce her character from her descent and ancestors, but from her disposition
and virtue, and from those incidents which rightly form the subject of history.
To return once again to my grandmother, she was a very great honour, not only
to women, but to men too, and was an ornament to the human race. The women’s quarter
of the palace had been thoroughly corrupt ever since Monomachus assumed the power
of Emperor, and had been disgraced by licentious ‘amours’ right up to my father’s
accession. This my grandmother changed for the better, and restored a commendable
state of morals. In her days you could have seen wonderful order reigning throughout
the palace; for she had stated times for sacred hymns and fixed hours for breakfast
and for attending to the election of magistrates, and she herself became a rule
and measure for everybody else, and the palace had somewhat the appearance of
a holy monastery. Such then was the character of this truly extraordinary and
holy woman. In sobriety of conduct she as far outshone the celebrated women of
old, as the sun outshines the stars. Again, what words could describe her compassion
for the poor and her liberality to the needy? Her home was a refuge, open to any
of her kinsfolk who were in want and equally open to strangers too. But above
all she honoured priests and monks, and nobody ever saw her at table without some
monks. Her character as outwardly manifested was such as to be revered by the
angels, and [87] dreaded by the very demons; even a single look from her was intolerable
to incontinent men, mere wild pleasure-seekers, whereas to those of sober conduct
she was both cheerful and gracious. For she understood the due measures of solemnity
and severity, so that her solemnity did not in any way appear fierce and savage,
nor on the other hand her tenderness slack arid unchaste. This, methinks, is the
due bound of orderliness, viz.: when kindliness has been mingled with elevation
of soul. She was naturally inclined to meditation and was constantly evolving
new plans in her mind, which were not subversive of the public weal, as some murmured
grumblingly, but were its salvation and destined to restore the State which was
now corrupt to its former soundness, and revive, as far as possible, the almost
bankrupt finances. Moreover, although she was very busy with public business,
she never neglected the rules of conduct of the monastic life, but spent the greater
part of the night in singing hymns, and became worn out with continual prayer
and want of sleep ; yet at dawn, and sometimes even at the second cock-crow, she
would apply herself to State business, deciding about the election of magistrates
and the requests of petitioners, with Gregory Genesius acting as her secretary.
If an orator had wished to take this theme as the subject for a panegyric, who
is there of those of old times of either sex distinguished for virtue whom he
would not have cast into the shade ‘ lauding to the skies the subject of his panegyric
(as is the way of panegyrists), for her actions, ideas, and conduct, as compared
with others? But such licence is not granted to writers of history. Wherefore
if in speaking of this queen we have treated great themes somewhat too slightly,
let no one impute this to us for blame, especially those who know her virtue,
her majestic dignity, her quick wit on all occasions and her mental superiority.
But now let us return to the point from which we deflected somewhat to speak about
the Queen.

Whilst she was directing the Empire, as we said, she did not devote the whole
day to worldly cares but attended the prescribed services in the chapel of the
martyr Thecla, which the Emperor Isaac Comnenus, her brother-in-law, had built
for a reason I will now relate. At the time when the chieftains of the Dacians
decided no longer to observe their treaty with the Romans arid broke it treacherously,
then, directly they heard of this, the Sauromatoe (anciently called Mysians) also
decided not to remain quiet in their own territory. [88] Formerly they dwelt on
the land separated from the Roman Empire by the Ister, but now they rose in a
body and migrated into our territory. The reason for this migration was the irreconcilable
hatred of the Dacians for their neighbours, whom they harassed with constant raids.
So the Sauromatae seized the opportunity of the Ister being frozen over and by
walking over it as if it were dry land, they migrated from their country to ours,
and their whole tribe was dumped down within our borders and mercilessly plundered
the neighbouring towns and districts. On hearing this, the Emperor Isaac decided
to go to Triaditza and as he had formerly succeeded in checking the enterprises
of the eastern barbarians, so he effected this stroke too with very little trouble.
He collected the whole army and started on the road thither intending to expel
them from Roman territory. And when he had set his infantry in battle-array, he
led an attack against them, but directly they saw him, the enemy broke up into
dissentient parties. Isaac, however, thinking it unwise to trust them overmuch,
attacked the strongest and bravest part of their army with a strong phalanx, and
on his approaching with his men, they became panic-stricken. For they did not
venture so much as to look straight at him, as if he were the Wielder of the Thunder,
and when they saw the phalanx’ unbroken array of shields they turned faint with
fear. So they retreated a short distance and offered to meet him in battle on
the third day from then, but that very same day they deserted their camps and
fled. Isaac marched to the spot of their encampment and after destroying the tents
and removing the booty found there, he returned in triumph. When he had got to
the foot of Mount Lobitzus, a violent and most unseasonable snow-storm overtook
him, for it was the 24th September, a day sacred to the memory of the martyr Thecla.
The rivers at once became swollen and overflowed their banks, so that the whole
plain on which the royal tent and those of the soldiers stood, looked like the
sea. In a short time all their baggage had disappeared, swept away by the raging
torrents, and men and beasts were numbed by the cold. Thunder rumbled in the heavens,
lightning was continuous with scarcely any interval between the flashes which
threatened to set all the country around on fire. The Emperor in this dilemma
knew not what to do; but during a short cessation in the storm, as he had already
had a great many men carried off by the wildly rushing streams, he with a few
picked men left his tent and went and stood with [89] them under an oak tree.
But because he heaxd a great noise and rumbling which seemed to proceed from the
tree itself and the wind was rising quickly, he was afraid that the tree might
be blown down by it, and therefore moved far enough away from the tree to ensure
his not being struck by it if it fell, and there he stood dumbfounded. And immediately
as if at a given signal, the tree was torn up by the roots and was seen lying
along the ground; whereupon the Emperor stood amazed at God’s solicitude for him.
Tidings of a revolt in the East were now brought to him, so he returned to the
palace. In gratitude for his escape he had a very beautiful chapel built in honour
of the proto-martyr Thecla, at no little cost, richly furnished and decorated
with various works of art ; there he offered sacrifices of a kind befitting Christians
for his safe delivery, and for ‘ the rest of his life he attended divine service
in it. That was the origin of the building of the chapel of the martyr Thecla,
in which as I have said, the empress-mother of the Emperor Alexius regularly paid
her devotions. I myself knew this woman for a short time and admired her, and
all who are willing to speak the truth without prejudice, know and would testify
that my words about her are not empty boasting. Had I preferred writing a laudatory
article instead of a history, I could have greatly lengthened my story by different
tales about her as I made plain before; now however I must bring my story back
to its right subject.

IX Alexius saw that the Empire was nearly at its last gasp, for in the East
the Turks were grievously harassing the frontiers whilst in the West things were
very bad, as Robert was letting out every reef in his endeavour to foist that
Pseudo-Michael, who had appealed to him, upon the throne. This was in my opinion
only a pretext and it was rather the lust for power which inflamed him and allowed
him no rest; consequently he used Michael as a Patroclus excuse and fanned the
smouldering ashes of his ambition into a mighty flame and began arming himself
with all his might against the Roman Empire. He prepared’ dromones ” [*ligh galleys]
and biremes and triremes and ‘ sermones ‘ and various kinds of freight-ships,
fitting them out from the maritime districts and collecting as large forces as
possible from the continent to further his purpose. Consequently the young and
brave Emperor was desperate, and did not know which way to turn first, as each
of his enemies seemed to be trying to begin war [90] before the other, and thus
he grew sorely vexed and disturbed. For the Roman Empire possessed only a very
insufficient army (not more than the 300 soldiers from Coma cowardly and inexperienced
in war, besides just a few a ary barbarian troops, accustomed to carry their swords
(?) on their right shoulder). And further there was no large reserve of money
in the imperial treasury with which to hire allied troops from foreign countries.
For the preceding Emperors had been very inefficient in all military and warlike
matters and had thus driven the State of Rome into very dire straits. I myself
have heard soldiers and other older men say that never within the memory of man
had any State been reduced to such depths of misery. The Emperor’s position was,
as you can judge, very difficult and he was distracted by manifold anxieties.
However, he was brave and fearless and had acquired great experience of war, so
he determined to bring the Empire out of this heavy swell back to anchor by quiet
shores, and with the help of God to beat these enemies who had arisen against
him into empty foam, as waves are beaten when they break on rocks. He decided
that first of all it was necessary to summon quickly all the local governors in
the East who were holding forts and cities, and making a valiant resistance against
the Turks. So he immediately drafted letters to them all; to Dabatenus, temporary
governor of Heraclea in Pontus and of Paphlagonia; to Burtzes, governor of Cappadocia
and Coma, and to the other leaders. He first set forth the occurrences which by
God’s providence had raised him to the imperial throne, and saved him miraculously
from imminent danger, and secondly he bade them make provision for their respective
districts to ensure their safety and leave sufficient soldiers for this purpose,
and with the rest to present themselves at Constantinople and also bring up as
many newly-recruited men in the prime of life as possible. Next he saw that he
must take whatever steps were possible to guard himself against Robert and to
try and deter the chieftains and counts who were flocking to the latter’s standard.
About this time the messenger returned, whom Alexius had dispatched before seizing
the capital, to ask Monomachatus for help, and to beg him to forward some money.
However the messenger only brought back letters detailing the reasons for which
forsooth (this we have already related) Monomachatus could not help him as long
as Botaniates still sat on the throne. After reading these letters Alexius was
terrified lest on hearing of Botaniates’ fall from the throne, [91] Monomachatus
should join Robert, and he became very despondent. He therefore sent for his brother-in-law,
George Palaeologus, and dispatched him to Dyrrachium (a city in Illyria) praying
him to use every possible device for driving Monomachatus out of the town without
fighting, since his forces were too small to eject him against his will, and to
lay what counter plots he could to Robert’s plots. He also ordered him to have
the bulwarks remade in a new way with most of the nails that held the beams together
left out so that if the Latins scaled them with ladders, directly they set foot
on the beams, the latter, together with the men on them, would give way and be
dashed to the ground below. He also wrote to the chiefs of the maritime districts
and even to the islanders urging them not to lose courage nor to be careless but
to watch and be sober, take measures for their protection and be on the lookout
for Robert. Otherwise he might by a sudden descent upon them, make himself master
of all the maritime towns, and even of the islands, and after that cause embarrassment
to the Roman Empire.

X Such then were the precautions taken by the Emperor for Illyria; and he seemed
to have firmly secured the towns which at that moment lay directly in front, or
at the feet, of Robert ; nor was he unmindful of the districts which lay in his
rear. Therefore he first sent a letter to Hermanus, Duke of Lombardy, next to
the Pope of Rome, followed by one to Erbius,[*=Hervaeus] the Archbishop of Capua.
Nay, he went even further and wrote to the princes, and to the various chiefs
of the Frankish provinces, and by offering them moderate presents and by promising
great gifts and dignities he tried to incite them to war against Robert. Some
of these had already abandoned their alliance with Robert and others promised
to do so, if they received further inducements! But as he knew that the King of
Alamania [*=Germany] was the most powerful of them all and could do whatever he
liked against Robert, he wrote to him more than once, and tried to win him over
by honeyed words and promises of all sorts. And when he noticed that the King
listened to persuasion and seemed likely to yield to his wishes, he sent Choerosphactes
to him with yet another letter couched in the following words: – ” Most noble
and most truly Christian brother, it is the fervent prayer of our Majesty that
your Excellency should prosper and advance to greater power. For will it not be
fitting that he, a pious sovereign, should wish you all [92] that is good and
profitable now that he has learnt the piety that dwells in you? For your brotherly
inclination and affection towards our Empire, and the labours you have promised
to undertake against that evil-minded person, in order to make him, the guilty
miscreant, the enemy of God and all Christians, pay due retribution for wicked
plots, proves the true right-mindedness of your soul, and fully confirms the report
of your piety. Our Majesty, prosperous in other respects, is exceedingly disturbed
and agitated by the news about Robert. But if we are to place any trust in God
and His righteous judgments, then the downfall of this most iniquitous man will
be swift. For surely God will never allow the scourge of sinners to fall upon
His own inheritance to such an extent. The gifts our Majesty agreed to send to
your mighty Highness, to wit the 144,000 ‘nummi’ and one hundred pieces of purple
silk, are even now being sent under the care of Constantine, our Supreme Magistrate
and Overseer of dignities, according to the arrangement made with your most faithful
and high-bom Count Bulchardus. The sum of money agreed upon and now sent consists
of coins stamped with the head of Romanus and of ancient quality. And when your
Highness has accomplished the oath, the remaining 216,000 ‘nummi’ as well as the
stipend of the twenty dignities conferred, shall be sent to your Highness by your
trusty servant Bagelardus, when you come down into Lombardy. In what manner it
behoves the oath to be fulfilled has been explained to your Highness already;
but Constantine, our Supreme Magistrate and Overseer, will expound still more
fully, in accordance with our commands, each of the points we require and which
must be confirmed by you on oath. For when the conference took place between our
Majesty and the ambassadors of your Highness, the points of greatest importance
were discussed but, as the envoys of your Highness said they had no mandate, for
this reason our Majesty suspended the oath. Wherefore we pray that your Highness
will fulfil the oath as your faithful friend Albert assured me solemnly you would
do, and as our Majesty begs of you as a necessary corollary. The return of your
most faithful and high-born Count Bulchardus was delayed because our Majesty wished
him to see our beloved nephew, the son of the most fortunate Sebastocrator, our
Majesty’s much beloved brother, so that on his return he might report to you the
precocious intelligence of the boy who is still of tender years ; for our Majesty
considers external [93] and bodily graces as of secondary account, although of
these too he has his full share. Your envoy will tell you this for as he was residing
in the metropolis, he saw the boy, and as was right had a conversation with him.
And since God has not yet blessed our Majesty with a child, this dearly beloved
nephew is to us as a son, and, God willing, there is nothing to prevent our being
united by ties of blood, and being kindly disposed towards each other, as becomes
Christians, or even becoming each other’s intimates like relations, and then in
the future through mutual assistance we shall become formidable to our enemies
and, with the help of God, invincible. As a token of friendship we are sending
your Highness together with the other presents a gold pectoral cross inset with
pearls and a gold pyx which contains relics of several saints, each of which can
be recognized by the card attached to it ; a chalice of sardonyx, a crystal goblet,
a radiated crown of gold [*lit. “a thunderbolt bound with gold. Finlay translates
this as “a gold ornament containing a protective charm against thunder.”] and
some ‘opobalsamum.’ [*Balm of Mecca]. May God grant thee long life, enlarge the
borders of thy power and make all those who rise against thee thy footstool. Peace
be with thy Highness and may the sun of content shine upon all lands subject to
thee, and may all thy enemies be brought to naught by the help of the Mighty Power
above who will grant thee the victory over all, because thou dost worship His
true name and art arming thy hand against His enemies.”

XI These were the measures he took for the Western part of the Empire and next
he prepared himself against the immediate danger that threatened; he continued
to reside in the capital, busily devising by what possible means he might resist
the enemy who were almost at the very gates of the Empire. My history has already
told how at this time the godless Turks were living round the Propontis [=Sea
of Marmora] and Solyman, the ruler of the whole of the East, was encamped around
Nicaea (where he had his ‘sultanicium ‘ corresponding to our ‘ palace ‘) and incessantly
sending out raiders to devastate all the country round Bithynia and Thynia, and
they made incursions on horse and on foot even as far as the Bosporus (now called
Damalis), and carried off much booty, and they all but attempted crossing the
sea itself. The Byzantines saw them living fearlessly in all the little towns
along the coasts and in the sacred precincts even, as nobody drove them out, for
the inhabitants were absolutely panic-stricken and [94] did not know what steps
to take. When the Emperor saw this, he hesitated between different plans, and
often changed his mind and finally chose the plan which he considered the best
and executed it as far as was possible. He had recently recruited soldiers from
among the Romans and from Coma, from these he chose ‘decurions’ and put them in
command of boats with some light-armed troops who only carried their bows and
a shield, and with others who according to their custom were fully armed with
helmets, shields and spears. He instructed them to row along the coasts of the
Propontis secretly during the night and to jump out and make an attack upon the
infidels at any point where they noticed that the latter did not much outnumber
themselves and then to run back quickly to their respective boats. As he knew
that his men were quite inexpert in war, he told the rowers to row without making
any noise, and also warned them to be on their watch against the infidels who
would be in ambush in the clefts of the cliffs. After they had executed this maneuver
for several days, the barbarians did indeed gradually retire inland from the seaside
districts. On being informed of this, the Emperor directed the soldiers to occupy
the villages and buildings recently held by the Turks and to pass the night in
them; and at break of day when for foraging or any other reason the enemy generally
came out into the country, to make a sudden massed attack upon them, and be satisfied
if they gained an advantage over them, however slight it might be, and not to
risk restoring confidence to the enemy by seeking for further success, but to
retire at once to the shelter of their forts. In consequence the barbarians after
but a brief space of time again retreated to an even greater distance. Hereupon
the Emperor gained courage, had the foot-soldiers put on horses and given spears
to brandish, and made many cavalry raids upon the enemy, and no longer secretly
during the night but in the daylight too. And those who had hitherto been decurions
were now created captains over fifty and the men who had fought the enemy on foot
at night with great fear now attacked them in early morning or at noon, and with
confidence entered upon brilliantly successful engagements. Thus fortune now deserted
the infidels and the power of the Roman Empire which had been temporarily obscured
shone forth. For Conmenus not only drove them far back from the Bosporus and the
whole seaboard, but also routed them out of the whole of Bithynia, Thynia and
the province of Nicomedia and reduced the sultan to [95] making urgent overtures
for peace. As Alexius was hearing from many quarters of the tremendous onset Robert
was preparing and of the immense number of troops he had collected, and that he
was hastening on his march to the coast of Lombardy, he gladly received the proposal
of peace. For, if even the hero Heracles could not fight two men at the same time,
as the proverb suggests, much less could this young ruler, who possessed neither
forces nor money and had only just taken over a statealready corrupt which had
for a long time been gradually diminishing and had sunk practically to the lowest
depths ; and all its money had been squandered without any useful result. This
was the reason he felt himself compelled to agree to terms of peace after, by
various methods, chasing the Turks away from Damalis and its coasts, and further
buying them off with bribes. He fixed the river called Dracon as their boundary,
and compelled them to promise never to cross it or make incursions into Bithynian
territory.

XII In this way then affairs in the East were lulled to rest. On reaching Dyrrachium
Palaeologus sent off a runner with the news about Monomachatus, which was that
on hearing of Pal.Tologus’ journey he had hurriedly betaken himself to Bodinus
and Michaelas. For he was afraid because he had not obeyed Alexius’ order but
had sent back empty-handed the messenger whom the Emperor Alexius had sent with
a letter asking for money before he commenced the rebellion he was meditating.
In reality the Emperor did not intend to punish him further than by dismissing
him from his position for the reason just given. When the Emperor learnt what
Monomachatus had done, he sent him a Golden Bull granting him full immunity, and
as soon as Monomachatus received it he returned to the palace.

Robert: meanwhile, had reached Hydruntum and after delegating the rule over
that town and the whole of Lombardy to his son Roger, he sailed and occupied the
port of Brindisi. When he heaxd of Palaeologus’ arrival in Dyrrachium, he at once
had turrets constructed on the larger vessels, built of wood and covered with
hides. And he speedily had everything necessary for a siege packed on board the
ships, and horses and fully-equipped cavalry he embarked on the cruisers, and
with wonderful celerity he collected from an sides all the apparatus for war,
for he was in a hurry to cross the sea. His plan was to surround Dyrrachium, when
he reached it, with battering engines both on the land- and [96] sea-side so as
to strike dismay into the hearts of the inhabitants and also by thus hemming them
in completely, to take the town by assault. Consequently when the Islanders and
the dwellers along the coast by Dyrrachium heard of this plan, great confusion
fell upon them. When Robert had everything completed to his liking, he loosed
anchor; the freight-ships, the triremes and monoremes were drawn up in the battle
array of nautical tradition, and thus in good order he started on his voyage.
Meeting with a favourable wind he struck the opposite shore at Valona and coasting
along it, came up to Buthrotum.[=Butrinrto] There he joined forces with Bohemund
who had crossed earlier, and taken Valona by storm. He now divided the whole army
into two parts, with the one he meant to sail to Dyrrachium, and commanded it
himself, and Bohemund he put in command of the other half with which to march
to Dyrrachium over land. After he had passed Corfu and was directing his course
to Dyrrachium, he was suddenly caught in a most terrible storm off the promontory
called Glossa. For a heavy fall of snow and the winds rushing down from the mountains
churned up the sea violently. Then the waves rose and roared and the oars of the
rowers were broken off as they dipped them; the winds tore the sails to shreds;
the yard-arms were snapped off and fell on the deck, and the boats, crews and
all, sank. And yet this was in summer when the sun had already crossed the tropic
of Cancer and was hastening towards the Lion, just at the season which is called
the Rising of the Dog Star. They were naturally all much disturbed and agitated
and quite helpless to cope with such enemies. There was a frightful tumult, for
men wailed and shrieked, called upon God to save them, and prayed to be allowed
to see the dry land. The storm did not lessen meanwhile, it was as if God were
pouring out his wrath upon Robert’s insolent and overweening presumptuousness,
and shewing him from the very start that the issue would not be successful. Some
of the ships were lost, crews and all, others were dashed on the rocks and broken
to pieces. ‘Me hides covering the turrets became stretched by the rain, so that
the nails fell out of their holes and the weight of the bides soon dragged down
the wooden turrets which in their fall swamped the ships. However, the boat which
carried Robert was saved with difficulty, though sadly battered; and some of the
freight-ships with all on board were also miraculously saved. The sea threw up
many of the men and quite a number of pouches and other [97] oddments which the
sailors had taken with them and scattered them over the shore. The survivors buried
the dead with due rites, and consequently they became infected with the horrible
stench, as it was not easy for them to bury so many quickly. Now all the provisions
had been lost and probably the survivors would have died of starvation, had there
not been a luxuriance of crops and fruits in the fields and gardens.

Now the moral of all this was plain to all right-minded persons, but none of
these occurrences daunted Robert, for he was quite fearless and only prayed, I
believe, that his life might be spared long enough to allow of his fighting against
his chosen enemies. Therefore nothing of what had happened deterred Robert from
the object he had set himself; and so with the remaining troops (for some by God’s
almighty power had escaped from the peril) he reached Glabinitza on the seventh
day. Here he stayed so that he and the other survivors from the storm at sea might
recuperate, and that those he had left behind at Brindisi and others, whom he
expected to come by sea from other places, might join him, as well as the troops
who had started overland a short time before, the fury-equipped cavalry, infantry
and the light-armed soldiers. When he had collected his whole army from land and
sea, he occupied the plain of Illyria with an his troops. In his company there
was a Latin, an envoy, as he said, from the Bishop of Bari to Robert, and he it
was who gave me an account of all this, and assured me that he went through this
whole campaign with Robert. And next, huts were put up inside the ruined walls
of the city once called Epidamnus, and the soldiers lodged in them by battalions.
In this city the Epirote King, Pyrrhus, dwelt when he made an alliance with the
Tarentines and began his fierce struggle with the Romans in Apulia. And at that
time such a frightful slaughter took place that all to the last man fell a prey
to the sword, and the city was left uninhabited. But in later years, as the Greeks
say, and to this the inscriptions in the town bear testimony, the city was rebuilt
by Amphion and Zethus in the style that it still retains, and its name was changed
to ‘Dyrrachium.’ These few words about this city must suffice, and here I will
conclude my third book and continue the tale of Robert’s doings in the next.