The Works of Tacitus
tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb
[1864-1877]
Tacitus: History Book 1 [50]
50. The alarm of the capital, which trembled to see the atrocity of these recent
crimes, and to think of the old character of Otho, was heightened into terror
by the fresh news about Vitellius, news which had been suppressed before the
murder of Galba, in order to make it appear that only the army of Upper Germany
had revolted. That two men, who for shamelessness, indolence, and profligacy,
were the most worthless of mortals, had been selected, it would seem, by some
fatality to ruin the Empire, became the open complaint, not only of the Senate
and the Knights, who had some stake and interest in the country, but even of
the common people. It was no longer to the late horrors of a dreadful peace,
but to the recollections of the civil wars, that men recurred, speaking of how
the capital had been taken by Roman armies, how Italy had been wasted and the
provinces spoiled, of Pharsalia, Philippi, Perusia, and Mutina, and all the
familiar names of great public disasters. “The world,” they said, “was well-nigh
turned upside down when the struggle for empire was between worthy competitors,
yet the Empire continued to exist after the victories of Caius Julius and Caesar
Augustus; the Republic would have continued to exist under Pompey and Brutus.
And is it for Otho or for Vitellius that we are now to repair to the temples?
Prayers for either would be impious, vows for either a blasphemy, when from
their conflict you can only learn that the conqueror must be the worse of the
two.” Some were speculating on Vespasian and the armies of the East. Vespasian
was indeed preferable to either, yet they shuddered at the idea of another war,
of other massacres. Even about Vespasian there were doubtful rumours, and he,
unlike any of his predecessors, was changed for the better by power.
51. I will now describe the origin and occasion of the revolt of Vitellius.
After the destruction of Julius Vindex and his whole force, the army, flushed
with the delights of plunder and glory, as men might well be who had been fortunate
enough to triumph without toil or danger in a most lucrative war, began to hanker
after compaigns and battles, and to prefer prize money to pay. They had long
endured a service which the character of the country and of the climate and
the rigours of military discipline rendered at once unprofitable and severe.
But that discipline, inexorable as it is in times of peace, is relaxed by civil
strife, when on both sides are found the agents of corruption, and treachery
goes unpunished. They had men, arms and horses, more than enough for all purposes
of utility and show, but before the war they had been acquainted only with the
companies and squadrons of their own force, as the various armies were separated
from each other by the limits of their respective provinces. But the legions,
having been concentrated to act against Vindex, and having thus learnt to measure
their own strength against the strength of Gaul, were now on the lookout for
another war and for new conflicts. They called their neighbours, not “allies”
as of old, but “the enemy” and “the vanquished.” Nor did that part of Gaul which
borders on the Rhine fail to espouse the same cause, and to the bitterest hostility
in inflaming the army against the Galbianists, that being the name, which in
their contempt for Vindex they had given to the party. The rage first excited
against the Sequani and Aedui extended to other states in proportion to their
wealth, and they revelled in imagination on the storm of cities, the plunder
of estates, the sack of dwelling-houses. But, besides the rapacity and arrogance
which are the special faults of superior strength, they were exasperated by
the bravadoes of the Gallic people, who in a spirit of insult to the army boasted
of how they had been relieved by Galba from a fourth part of their tribute,
and had received grants from the State. There was also a report, ingeniously
spread and recklessly believed, to the effect that the legions were being decimated,
and all the most energetic centurions dismissed. From all quarters arrived the
most alarming tidings. The reports from the capital were unfavourable, while
the disaffection of the colony of Lugdunum, which obstinately adhered to Nero,
gave rise to a multitude of rumours. But it was in the army itself, in its hatreds,
its fears, and even in the security with which a review of its own strength
inspired it, that there was the most abundant material for the exercise of imagination
and credulity.
52. Just before December 1 in the preceding year, Aulus Vitellius had visited
Lower Germany, and had carefully inspected the winter quarters of the legions.
Many had their rank restored to them, sentences of degradation were cancelled,
and marks of disgrace partially removed. In most cases he did but court popularity,
in some he exercised a sound discretion, making a salutary change from the meanness
and rapacity which Fonteius Capito had shown in bestowing and withdrawing promotion.
But he seemed a greater personage than a simple consular legate, and all his
acts were invested with an unusual importance. Though sterner judges pronounced
Vitellius to be a man of low tastes, those who were partial to him attributed
to geniality and good nature the immoderate and indiscriminate prodigality,
with which he gave away what was his own, and squandered what did not belong
to him. Besides this, men themselves eager for power were ready to represent
his very vices as virtues. As there were in both armies many of obedient and
quiet habits, so there were many who were as unprincipled as they were energetic;
but distinguished above all for boundless ambition and singular daring were
the legates of the legions, Fabius Valens and Alienus Caecina. One of these
men, Valens, had taken offence against Galba, under the notion that he had not
shewn proper gratitude for his services in discovering to him the hesitation
of Verginius and crushing the plans of Capito. He now began to urge Vitellius
to action. He enlarged on the zeal of the soldiery. “You have,” he said, “everywhere
a great reputation; you will find nothing to stop you in Hordeonius Flaccus;
Britain will be with you; the German auxiliaries will follow your standard.
All the provinces waver in their allegiance. The Empire is held on the precarious
tenure of an aged life, and must shortly pass into other hands. You have only
to open your arms, and to meet the advances of fortune. It was well for Verginius
to hesitate, the scion of a mere Equestrian family, and son of a father unknown
to fame: he would have been unequal to empire, had he accepted it, and yet been
safe though he refused it. But from the honours of a father who was thrice consul,
was censor and colleague of Caesar, Vitellius has long since derived an imperial
rank, while he has lost the security that belongs to a subject.”
53. These arguments roused the indolent temper of the man, yet roused him
rather to wish than to hope for the throne. Meanwhile however in Upper Germany
Caecina, young and handsome, of commanding stature, and of boundless ambition,
had attracted the favour of the soldiery by his skilful oratory and his dignified
mien. This man had, when quaestor in Baetica, attached himself with zeal to
the party of Galba, who had appointed him, young as he was, to the command of
a legion, but, it being afterwards discovered that he had embezzled the public
money, Galba directed that he should be prosecuted for peculation. Caecina,
grievously offended, determined to throw everything into confusion, and under
the disasters of his country to conceal his private dishonour. There were not
wanting in the army itself the elements of civil strife. The whole of it had
taken part in the war against Vindex; it had not passed over to Galba till Nero
fell; even then in this transference of its allegiance it had been anticipated
by the armies of Lower Germany. Besides this, the Treveri, the Lingones, and
the other states which Galba had most seriously injured by his severe edicts
and by the confiscation of their territory, were particularly close to the winter-quarters
of the legions. Thence arose seditious conferences, a soldiery demoralized by
intercourse with the inhabitants of the country, and tendencies in favour of
Verginius, which could easily be to the profit of any other person.
54. The Lingones, following an old custom, had sent presents to the legions,
right hands clasped together, an emblem of friendship. Their envoys, who had
assumed a studied appearance of misery and distress, passed through the headquarters
and the men’s tents, and complaining, now of their own wrongs, now of the rewards
bestowed on the neighbouring states, and, when they found the soldiers’ ears
open to their words, of the perils and insults to which the army itself was
exposed, inflamed the passions of the troops. The legions were on the verge
of mutiny, when Hordeonius Flaccus ordered the envoys to depart, and to make
their departure more secret, directed them to leave the camp by night. Hence
arose a frightful rumour, many asserting that the envoys had been killed, and
that, unless the soldiers provided their own safety, the next thing would be,
that the most energetic of their number, and those who had complained of their
present condition, would be slaughtered under cover of night, when the rest
of the army would know nothing of their fate. The legions then bound themselves
by a secret agreement. Into this the auxiliary troops were admitted. At first
objects of suspicion, from the idea that their infantry and cavalry were being
concentrated in preparation for an attack on the legions, these troops soon
became especially zealous in the scheme. The bad find it easier to agree for
purposes of war than to live in harmony during peace.
55. Yet it was to Galba that the legions of Lower Germany took the oath of
fidelity annually administered on the first of January. It was done, however,
after long delay, and then only by a few voices from the foremost ranks, while
the rest preserved an absolute silence, every one waiting for some bold demonstration
from his neighbour, in obedience to that innate tendency of men, which makes
them quick to follow where they are slow to lead. And even in the various legions
there was a difference of feeling. The soldiers of the 1st and of the 5th were
so mutinous, that some of them threw stones at the images of Galba. The 15th
and 16th legions ventured on nothing beyond uproar and threatening expressions.
They were on the watch for something that might lead to an outbreak. In the
Upper army, however, the 4th and 13th legions, which were stationed in the same
winter-quarters, proceeded on this same first of January to break in pieces
the images of Galba, the 4th legion being foremost, the 18th shewing some reluctance,
but soon joining with the rest. Not however to seem to throw off all their reverence
for the Empire, they sought to dignify their oath with the now obsolete names
of the Senate and people of Rome. Not a single legate or tribune exerted himself
for Galba; some, as is usual in a tumult, were even conspicuously active in
mutiny, though no one delivered anything like a formal harangue or spoke from
a tribunal. Indeed there was as yet no one to be obliged by such services.
56. Hordeonius Flaccus, the consular legate, was present and witnessed this
outrage, but he dared neither check the furious mutineers, nor keep the wavering
to their duty, nor encourage the well affected. Indolent and timid, he was reserved
from guilt only by his sloth. Four Centurions of the 18th legion, Nonius Receptus,
Donatius Valens, Romilius Marcellus, Calpurnius Repentinus, striving to protect
the images of Galba, were swept away by a rush of the soldiers and put in irons.
After this no one retained any sense of duty, any recollection of his late allegiance,
but, as usually happens in mutinies, the side of the majority became the side
of all. In the course of the night of the 1st of January, the standard-bearer
of the 4th legion, coming to the Colonia Agrippinensis, announced to Vitellius,
who was then at dinner, the news that the 4th and 18th legions had thrown down
the images of Galba, and had sworn allegiance to the Senate and people of Rome.
Such a form of oath appeared meaningless. It was determined to seize the doubtful
fortune of the hour, and to offer an Emperor to their choice. Vitellius sent
envoys to the legions and their legates, who were to say that the army of Upper
Germany had revolted from Galba, that it was consequently necessary for them,
either to make war on the revolters, or, if they preferred peace and harmony,
to create an Emperor, and who were to suggest, that it would be less perilous
to accept than to look for a chief.
57. The nearest winter-quarters were those of the first legion, and Fabius
Valens was the most energetic of the legates. This officer in the course of
the following day entered the Colonia Agrippinensis with the cavalry of the
legion and of the auxiliaries, and together with them saluted Vitellius as Emperor.
All the legions belonging to the same province followed his example with prodigious
zeal, and the army of Upper Germany abandoned the specious names the Senate
and people of Rome, and on the 3rd of January declared for Vitellius. One could
be sure that during those previous two days it had not really been the army
of the State. The inhabitants of Colonia Agrippinensis, the Treveri, and the
Lingones, shewed as much zeal as the army, making offers of personal service,
of horses, of arms and of money, according as each felt himself able to assist
the cause by his own exertions, by his wealth, or by his talents. Nor was this
done only by the leading men in the colonies or the camps, who had abundant
means at hand, and might indulge great expectations in the event of victory,
but whole companies down to the very ranks offered instead of money their rations,
their belts, and the bosses, which, richly decorated with silver, adorned their
arms; so strong were the promptings from without, their own enthusiasm, and
even the suggestions of avarice.
58. Vitellius, after bestowing high commendation on the zeal of the soldiers,
proceeded to distribute among Roman Knights the offices of the Imperial court
usually held by freedmen. He paid the furlough fees to the centurions out of
the Imperial treasury. While in most instances he acquiesced in the fury of
the soldiers, who clamoured for numerous executions, in some few he eluded it
under the pretence of imprisoning the accused. Pompeius Propinquus, procurator
of Belgica, was immediately put to death. Julius Burdo, prefect of the German
fleet, he contrived to withdraw from the scene of danger. The resentment of
the army had been inflamed against this officer by the belief, that it was he
who had invented the charges and planned the treachery which had destroyed Capito.
The memory of Capito was held in high favour, and with that enraged soldiery
it was possible to slaughter in open day, but to pardon only by stealth. He
was kept in prison, and only set at liberty after the victory of Vitellius,
when the resentment of the soldiery had subsided. Meanwhile, by way of a victim,
the centurion Crispinus was given up to them; this man had actually imbued his
hands in the blood of Capito. Consequently he was to those who cried for vengeance
a more notorious criminal, and to him who punished a cheaper sacrifice.
59. Julius Civilis, a man of commanding influence among the Batavi, was next
rescued from like circumstances of peril, lest that high-spirited nation should
be alienated by his execution. There were indeed in the territory of the Lingones
eight Batavian cohorts, which formed the auxiliary force of the 14th legion,
but which had, among the many dissensions of the time, withdrawn from it; a
body of troops which, to whatever side they might incline, would, whether as
allies or enemies, throw a vast weight into the scale. Vitellius ordered the
centurions Nonnius, Donatius, Romilius, and Calpurnius, of whom I have before
spoken, to be executed. They had been convicted of the crime of fidelity, among
rebels the worst of crimes. New adherents soon declared themselves in Valerius
Asiaticus, legate of the Province of Belgica, whom Vitellius soon after made
his son-in-law, and Junius Blaesus, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, who brought
with him the Italian Legion and the Taurine Horse, which was stationed at Lugdunum.
The armies of Rhaetia made no delay in at once joining Vitellius, and even in
Britain there was no hesitation.
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