The Works of Tacitus
tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb
[1864-1877]
Tacitus: History Book 3 [20]
20. Antonius then made his way into the companies. When his presence and personal
authority had restored silence, he declared, “I would not snatch their glory
or their reward from those who have deserved them so well. Yet there is a division
of duties between the army and its generals. Eagerness for battle becomes the
soldiers, but generals serve the cause by forethought, by counsel, by delay
oftener than by temerity. As I promoted your victory to the utmost of my power
by my sword and by my personal exertions, so now I must help you by prudence
and by counsel, the qualities which belong peculiarly to a general. What you
will have to encounter is indeed perfectly plain. There will be the darkness,
the strange localities of the town, the enemy inside the walls, and all possible
facilities for ambuscades. Even if the gates were wide open, we ought not to
enter the place, except we had first reconnoitred it, and in the day-time. Shall
we set about storming the town when we have no means seeing where the ground
is level, what is the height of the walls, whether the city is to be assailed
by our artillery and javelins, or by siege-works and covered approaches?” He
then turned to individual soldiers, asking them whether they had brought with
them their axes and spades and whatever else is used when towns are to be stormed.
On their admitting that they had not done so, “Can any hands,” he answered,
“break through and undermine walls with swords and lances? And if it should
be found necessary to throw up an embankment and to shelter ourselves under
mantlets and hurdles, shall we stand baffled like a thoughtless mob, marvelling
at the height of the towers and at the enemy’s defences? Shall we not rather,
by delaying one night, till our artillery and engines come up, take with us
a strength that must prevail?” At the same time he sent the sutlers and camp-followers
with the freshest of the cavalry to Bedriacum to fetch supplies and whatever
else they needed.
21. The soldiers, however, were impatient, and a mutiny had almost broken
out, when some cavalry, who had advanced to the very walls of Cremona, seized
some stragglers from the town, from whose information it was ascertained, that
the six legions of Vitellius and the entire army which had been quartered at
Hostilia had on that very day marched a distance of thirty miles, and having
heard of the defeat of their comrades, were preparing for battle, and would
soon be coming up. This alarm opened the ears that had before been deaf to their
general’s advice. The 13th legion was ordered to take up its position on the
raised causeway of the Via Postumia, supported on the left by the 7th (Galba’s)
which was posted in the plain, next came the 7th (Claudius’), defended in front
by a field-ditch, such being the character of the ground. On the right was the
8th legion, drawn up in an open space, and then the 3rd, whose ranks were divided
by some thick brushwood. Such was the arrangement of the eagles and the standards.
The soldiers were mingled in the darkness as accident had determined. The Praetorian
colours were close to the 3rd legion; the auxiliary infantry were stationed
on the wings; the cavalry covered the flanks and the rear. Sido and Italicus,
the Suevian chieftains, with a picked body of their countrymen, manoeuvred in
the van.
22. It would have been the best policy for the army of Vitellius to rest
at Cremona, and, with strength recruited by food and repose, to attack and crush
the next day an enemy exhausted by cold and hunger; but now, wanting a leader,
and having no settled plan, they came into collision about nine o’clock at night
with the Flavianist troops, who stood ready, and in order of battle. Respecting
the disposition of the Vitellianist army, disordered as it was by its fury and
by the darkness, I would not venture to speak positively. Some, however, have
related, that on the right wing was the 4th legion (the Macedonian); that the
5th and 15th, with the veterans of three British legions (the 9th, 2nd, and
20th), formed the centre, while the left wing was made up of the 1st, the 16th,
and the 22nd. Men of the legions Rapax and Italica were mingled with all the
companies. The cavalry and the auxiliaries chose their position themselves.
Throughout the night the battle raged in many forms, indecisive and fierce,
destructive, first to one side, then to the other. Courage, strength, even the
eye with its keenest sight, were of no avail. Both armies fought with the same
weapons; the watch-word, continually asked, became known; the colours were confused
together, as parties of combatants snatched them from the enemy, and hurried
them in this or that direction. The 7th legion, recently levied by Galba, was
the hardest pressed. Six centurions of the first rank were killed, and some
of the standards taken; but the eagle was saved by Atilius Verus, the centurion
of the first company, who, after making a great slaughter among the enemy, at
last fell.
23. The line was supported, as it began to waver, by Antonius, who brought
up the Praetorians. They took up the conflict, repulsed the enemy, and were
then themselves repulsed. The troops of Vitellius had collected their artillery
on the raised causeway, where there was a free and open space for the discharge
of the missiles, which at first had been scattered at random, and had struck
against the trees without injury to the enemy. An engine of remarkable size,
belonging to the 15th legion, was crushing the hostile ranks with huge stones,
and would have spread destruction far and wide, had not two soldiers ventured
on a deed of surpassing bravery. Disguising themselves with shields snatched
from the midst of the carnage, they cut the ropes and springs of the engine.
They were instantly slain, and their names have consequently been lost; but
the fact is undoubted. Fortune favoured neither side, till at a late hour of
the night the moon rose and showed, but showed deceptively, both armies. The
light, however, shining from behind, favoured the Flavianists. With them a lengthened
shadow fell from men and horses, and the enemy’s missiles, incorrectly aimed
at what seemed the substance, fell short, while the Vitellianists, who had the
light shining on their faces, were unconsciously exposed to an enemy who were,
so to speak, concealed while they aimed.
24. As soon as Antonius could recognize his men and be recognized by them,
he sought to kindle their courage, striving to shame some with his reproaches,
stirring many with praise and encouragement, and all with hopes and promises.
“Why,” he demanded of the legions of Pannonia, “have you again taken up arms?
Yonder is the field where you may wipe out the stain of past disgrace, and redeem
your honour.” Then turning to the troops of Moesia, he appealed to them as the
authors and originators of the war. “Idly,” he said “have you challenged the
Vitellianists with threatening words, if you cannot abide their attack or even
their looks.” So he spoke to each as he approached them. The third legion he
addressed at greater length, reminding them of old and recent achievements,
how under Marcus Antonius they had defeated the Parthians, under Corbulo the
Armenians, and had lately discomfited the Sarmatians. Then angrily turning to
the Praetorians, “Clowns,” said he, “unless you are victorious, what other general,
what other camp will receive you? There are your colours and your arms; defeat
is death, for disgrace you have exhausted.” A shout was raised on all sides,
and the soldiers of the third legion saluted, as is the custom in Syria, the
rising sun.
25. A vague rumour thus arose, or was intentionally suggested by the general,
that Mucianus had arrived, and that the two armies had exchanged salutations.
The men then charged as confidently as if they had been strengthened by fresh
reinforcements, while the enemy’s array was now less compact; for, as there
was no one to command, it was now contracted, now extended, as the courage or
fear of individual soldiers might prompt. Antonius, seeing that they gave way,
charged them with a heavy column; the loose ranks were at once broken, and,
entangled as they were among their wagons and artillery, could not be re-formed.
The conquerors, in the eagerness of pursuit, dispersed themselves over the entire
line of road. The slaughter that followed was made particularly memorable through
the murder of a father by his son. I will record the incident with the names,
on the authority of Vipstanus Messalla. Julius Mansuetus, a Spaniard, enlisting
in the legion Rapax, had left at home a son of tender age. The lad grew up to
manhood, and was enrolled by Galba in the 7th legion. Now chancing to meet his
father, he brought him to the ground with a wound, and, as he rifled his dying
foe, recognized him, and was himself recognized. Clasping the expiring man in
his arms, in piteous accents he implored the spirit of his father to be propitious
to him, and not to turn from him with loathing as from a parricide. “This guilt,”
he said, “is shared by all; how small a part of a civil war is a single soldier!”
With these words he raised the body, opened a grave, and discharged the last
duties for his father. This was noticed by those who were on the spot, then
by many others; astonishment and indignation ran through the whole army, and
they cursed this most horrible war. Yet as eagerly as ever they stripped the
bodies of slaughtered kinsfolk, connexions, and brothers. They talk of an impious
act having been done, and they do it themselves.
26. When they reached Cremona a fresh work of vast difficulty presented itself.
During the war with Otho the legions of Germany had formed their camp round
the walls of the city, round this camp had drawn an entrenchment, and had again
strengthened these defences. At this sight the victorious army hesitated, while
the generals doubted what orders they should give. To attempt an assault with
troops exhausted by the toil of a day and a night would be difficult, and with
no proper reserves might be perilous. Should they return to Bedriacum, the fatigue
of so long a march would be insupportable, and their victory would result in
nothing. To entrench a camp with the enemy so close at hand would be dangerous,
as by a sudden sortie they might cause confusion among them while dispersed
and busied with the work. Above all, they were afraid of their soldiers, who
were more patient of danger than delay. Cautious measures they disliked; their
rashness inspired them with hope, and eagerness for plunder outweighed all the
horrors of carnage, wounds, and bloodshed.
27. Antonius himself was this way inclined, and he ordered the entrenched
camp to be invested. At first they fought from a distance with arrows and stones,
the Flavianists suffering most, as the enemy’s missiles were aimed at them from
a superior height. Antonius then assigned to each legion the attack on some
portion of the entrenchments, and on one particular gate, seeking by this division
of labour to distinguish the cowardly from the brave, and to stimulate his men
by an honourable rivalry. The 3rd and 7th legions took up a position close to
the road from Bedriacum; more to the right of the entrenchments were stationed
the 8th and the 7th (Claudius’). The 13th were carried by the impetuosity of
their attack as far as the gate looking towards Brixia. There ensued a little
delay, while from the neighbouring fields some were collecting spades and pickaxes,
others hooks and ladders. Then raising their shields over their heads, they
advanced to the rampart in a dense “testudo.” Both used the arts of Roman warfare;
the Vitellianists rolled down ponderous stones, and drove spears and long poles
into the broken and tottering “testudo,” till the dense array of shields was
loosened, and the ground was strewn with a vast number of lifeless and mangled
bodies.
28. Some hesitation had shewn itself, when the generals, seeing that the
weary troops would not listen to what seemed to them unmeaning encouragement,
pointed to Cremona. Whether this was, as Messalla relates, the device of Hormus,
or whether Caius Plinius be the better authority when he charges it upon Antonius,
I cannot easily determine. All I can say is this, that neither in Antonius nor
in Hormus would this foulest of crimes have been a degeneracy from the character
of their former lives. Wounds or bloodshed no longer kept the men back from
undermining the rampart and battering the gates. Supported on the shoulders
of comrades, and forming a second “testudo,” they clambered up and seized the
weapons and even the hands of the enemy. The unhurt and the wounded, the half-dead
and the dying, were mingled together with every incident of slaughter and death
in every form.
29. The fiercest struggle was maintained by the 3rd and 7th legions, and
Antonius in person with some chosen auxiliaries concentrated his efforts on
the same point. The Vitellianists, unable to resist the combined and resolute
attack, and finding that their missiles glided off the “testudo,” at last threw
the engine itself on the assailants; for a moment it broke and overwhelmed those
on whom it fell, but it drew after it in its fall the battlements and upper
part of the rampart. At the same time an adjoining tower yielded to the volleys
of stones, and, while the 7th legion in wedge-like array was endeavouring to
force an entrance, the 3rd broke down the gate with axes and swords. All authors
are agreed that Caius Volusius, a soldier of the 3rd legion, entered first.
Beating down all who opposed him, he mounted the rampart, waved his hand, and
shouted aloud that the camp was taken. The rest of the legion burst in, while
the troops of Vitellius were seized with panic, and threw themselves from the
rampart. The entire space between the camp and the walls of Cremona was filled
with slain.
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