18 From The Banishment Of Archelus To The Departure From Babylon

Flavius Josephus

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS

From The Banishment Of Archelus To The Departure From Babylon.

Containing The Interval Of Thirty-Two Years.

CHAPTER 1.

How Cyrenius Was Sent By Caesar To Make A Taxation Of Syria And Judea; And How
Coponius Was Sent To Be Procurator Of Judea; Concerning Judas Of Galilee And Concerning
The Sects That Were Among The Jews.

1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies,
and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts,
was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent
by Caesar to he a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance.
Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have
the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which
was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and
to dispose of Archelaus’s money; but the Jews, although at the beginning they took
the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition
to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest;
so they, being over-pesuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates,
without any dispute about it. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose
name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw
them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction
to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; as if they could procure
them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of
a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire
for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them,
than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful,
and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great
exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; so men received what they said
with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes
also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an
incredible degree; one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends
which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder
of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but
in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and from
them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the
madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the
adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming
upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing
of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of
God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire. Such were the consequences of this, that
the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a
mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by
their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic
sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government
with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this
system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal, concerning which
I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread
thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.

2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves;
the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions
was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken
in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.

3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet;
and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good
for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s
dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are
they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; and
when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the
freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath
pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the
will of man can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe that souls have an
immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments,
according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter
are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power
to revive and live again; on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to
persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about Divine worship, prayers,
and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the
cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct,
both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.

4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies;
nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them;
for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy
whom they frequent: but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still
of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for
when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged
to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude
would not otherwise bear them.

5. The doctrine of the Essens is this: That all things are best ascribed to God.
They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness
are to be earnestly striven for; and when they send what they have dedicated to
God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations
of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple,
but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that
of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also deserves
our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue,
and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared
among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so
hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution
of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things
in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath
nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, and neither
marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men
to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they
live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint certain stewards
to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such
as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for
them. They none of them differ from others of the Essens in their way of living,
but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae [dwellers in cities].

6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author.
These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an
inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and
Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the
deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any
man lord. And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great
many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing
I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said
is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain. And it was in Gessius
Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our
procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority,
and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy.

CHAPTER 2.

Now Herod And Philip Built Several Cities In Honor Of Caesar. Concerning The
Succession Of Priests And Procurators; As Also What Befell Phraates And The Parthians.

1. When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus’s money, and when the taxings
were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar’s
victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which
dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Ananus, the
son of Seth, to be high priest; while Herod and Philip had each of them received
their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about
Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of
the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also,
and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor’s wife. When Philip also had
built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Cesarea. He also advanced
the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a
city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and
called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar’s daughter.

2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising
his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents happened.
As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover,
it was customary for the priests to open the temple-gates just after midnight. When,
therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately
into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men’s bodies, in the cloisters; on which account
the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do
at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully
than they had formerly done. A little after which accident Coponius returned to
Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom
Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia, [Caesar’s wife,] Jamnia,
all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation
of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus,
under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose
reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius
ruled together with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven
years); upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia’s son, succeeded. He was
now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and
to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed
Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time,
and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be
high priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it,
and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and when he had possessed
that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When
Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea
eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.

3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a
city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best
part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance
from it, in a village named Emmaus. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great
number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod
to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled
to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted
poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay,
some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them
free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them
very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible,
that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws,
because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the
city Tiberias whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven
days. (6)

4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of
Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following: When Phraates had had legitimate
sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who
had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made
her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time
having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife,
and had a great respect for her. Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing
that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son;
but still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive
how to remove Phraates’s legitimate sons [out of the kingdom;] so she persuaded
him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent
to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands.
Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government,
he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father’s donation [as
his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by
his mother’s assistance, with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation
also. So he was hated for both these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked]
love of his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in
a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died. But
as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they should
be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice to choose
one of the family of Arsaces, [nor did their law allow of any others; and they thought
this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian
concubine, and by her issue,] they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take
the crown]; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and though he
was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to
wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy
against him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their
sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;)
but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a
hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of those
that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred
before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune,
which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a
foreign one). However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally
of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their
governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been
a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear
the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians
must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace.
So they presently invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also
of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and
came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the
Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten,
and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a great army
together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on
horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So
when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory
by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon
with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians. But
Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination
to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for
that purpose]. But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage,
and because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce
war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to take to regain any
other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined
themselves to Artabanus,) he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria,
who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus
gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.

5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the multitude
contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to [Rome]; for the men of
power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of
a [Roman] province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as their fathers
had been. So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the
affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him
of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his
life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere.

CHAPTER 3.

Sedition Of The Jews Against Pontius Pilate. Concerning Christ, And What Befell
Paulina And The Jews At Rome,

1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Cesarea to
Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws.
So he introduced Caesar’s effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them
into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images; on which account
the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns
as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem,
and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because
it was done in the night time; but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes
to Cesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images;
and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury
of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered
his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat,
which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the
army that lay ready to oppress them; and when the Jews petitioned him again, he
gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their
punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing
him, and go their ways home. But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid
their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than
the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected
with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded
the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Cesarea.

2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it
with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of
two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done
about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a
clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them
also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. So
he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under
their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid
the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the
soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; who laid upon them much
greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were
tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since
the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about,
there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away
wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.

3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him
a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the
truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles.
He was [the] Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst
us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake
him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had
foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe
of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.

4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder,
and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome.
I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and
will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. There was at Rome a woman whose
name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the
regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich;
and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein
women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married
to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character.
Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian
order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already
rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed
with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic
drachmae for one night’s lodging; and when this would not prevail upon her, and
he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way
to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal;
and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his
purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his
father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was
very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not
conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged
him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that
he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to
her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping
of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money
as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because
she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she
knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised
the following stratagem: She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest
assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer
of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing
had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them
to use all means possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn in to promise
so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of
them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with
her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god
Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. Upon this
she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension
of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup
and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied
with the chastity of his wife. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she
had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors
of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then
did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her,
who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; and when
he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem
were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis
had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she
put upon this favor, who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its
nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it,
when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. But now, on the
third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina,
thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added
to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I
invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the
business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I
took to myself the name of Anubis.” When he had said this, he went his way. But
now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent
her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance,
and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact
to the emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining
the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was
the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was
so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order
that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; while he only banished Mundus,
but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was
done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned
the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to
the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly
told you I would.

5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country
by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear
he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then
living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. He
procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be
his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that
had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem;
and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent
the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of
her. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband
of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be
banished out of Rome; at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of
them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them,
who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers.
Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men.

CHAPTER 4.

How The Samaritans Made A Tumult And Pilate Destroyed Many Of Them; How Pilate
Was Accused And What Things Were Done By Vitellius Relating To The Jews And The
Parthians.

1. But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who
excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and
who contrived every thing so that the multitude might be pleased; so he bid them
to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by them looked upon as the most holy
of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would show
them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them
there So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man probable;
and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the
rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together;
but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great band
of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village;
and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put
to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most
potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.

2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to
Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and accused
Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba
in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius
sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered
Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews.
So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this
in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before
he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.

3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time
of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently
received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the
fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high
priest’s vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody
of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly, although at
this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and
that on the occasion following: There was one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus;
and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a
tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had
these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and
he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary
garments; the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons
after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very
conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius,
he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there,
he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his
custody, the people would make no innovations against him. The like to what Herod
did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans,
when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high
priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests,
and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there
every day; and seven days before a festival they were delivered to them by the captain
of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid
them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the
very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly
festivals, and on the fast day; but Vitellius put those garments into our own power,
as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble
himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this
he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also
deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed
Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which,
he took his journey back to Antioch.

4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him to make a
league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for while he was his enemy,
he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed
further, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him
hostages, and especially his son Artabanus. Upon Tiberius’s writing thus to Vitellius,
by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and
the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although
they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through
their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus.
So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthis was filled
with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder
among them: the king’s son also himself fell in these wars, together with. many
ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus’s
father’s kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the
means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the
plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal
men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take effect,
– when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as
also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they
professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made
his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of
the Dahae and Sacre, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.

5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship
made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the
proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates, and as a bridge was
laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met
one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms
of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and
made them a feast there. Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius
as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall,
a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called
a giant. After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod
[the tetrarch] being desirous to give Caesar the first information that they had
obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described
all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him
of. But when Vitellius’s letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that he
was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had given him an account
of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had
been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon
this occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken
the government.

6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod’s ‘ brother, departed this life,
in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis
and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He
had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life
and government; he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he
used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which
he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted
his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever
he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered
the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been
accused unjustly. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which
he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His
principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the
province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be
collected, and laid up in his tetrachy.

CHAPTER 5.

Herod The Tetrarch Makes War With Aretas, The King Of Arabia, And Is Beaten By
Him As Also Concerning The Death Of John The Baptist. How Vitellius Went Up To Jerusalem;
Together With Some Account Of Agrippa And Of The Posterity Of Herod The Great.

1. About this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had a quarrel
on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas,
and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with
Herod, who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was
the son of the high priest Sireoh’s daughter. However, he fell in love with Herodias,
this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the
sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between
them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change
her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article
of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter. So Antipus,
when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the
business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement
he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge
of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in
the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of
her intentions. Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not
perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was
subject to her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready
for her by the general of Aretas’s army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia,
under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively;
and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod’s intentions. So Aretas made
this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel
with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on
both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves;
and when they had joined battle, all Herod’s army was destroyed by the treachery
of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with
Aretas’s army.. So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry
at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either
to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his
head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.

2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from
God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was
called the Baptist: for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews
to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards
God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable
to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission]
of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that
the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. Now when [many] others
came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing
his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might
put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready
to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to
prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by
sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late. Accordingly
he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle
I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that
the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of
God’s displeasure to him.

3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions
of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen
which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the
Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. But as he was marching
very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and
desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their
country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it,
of which there were a great many in their ensigns; so he was persuaded by what they
said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter.
Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself,
with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice
to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching; and when he
had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he
made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the
high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the fourth day
letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the
multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made
them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution
of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which
he had before. It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius
to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible
that this army of Vitellius’s could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would
die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the other’s
desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army
is prepared. So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus,
went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to treat of some
affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted so to do. I have now a mind to
describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable
to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration
of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage,
no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those
acts of piety which are done towards God; for it happened, that, within the revolution
of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were,
excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction
of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: it will also show us the history
of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a
private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great
power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also
speak accurately about them.

4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus;
the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself
the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, her father making the match; the other was
Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome,
Herod’s sister. Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and
Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son
of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of
note, but had by her no children. Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters,
which daughters were named Bernice, Mariarune, and Drusius; but the names of the
sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of
puberty; but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod
and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice;
but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod’s sister.
Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his
brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years
of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of
Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph,
who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but Aristobulus,
the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king
of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these
hitherto were the children of the male line. But Herodias, their sister, was married
to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter
of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias
took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her
husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her husband’s brother
by the father’s side, he was tetrarch of Galilee; but her daughter Salome was married
to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless,
Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three
sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and
Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias,
the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander,
who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander,
the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander
and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was
king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; Alexander had ason of
the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the
kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter
of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia.
But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish
religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters
of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless. And as these descendants
of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the
Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains
that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear
of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power.

CHAPTER 6.

Of The Navigation Of King Agrippa To Rome, To Tiberius Caesar; And Now Upon His
Being Accused By His Own Freed-Man, He Was Bound; How Also He, Was Set At Liberty
By Caius, After Tiberiuss Death And Was Made King Of The Tetrarchy Of Philip.

1. A Little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was
generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius’s son, and
contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his
mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son. Now
as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while
his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might
be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; but when Bernice was dead,
and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily
way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly
among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was,
in a little time, reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius
also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on
seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be
revived.

2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil
circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and
because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and
such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so,
for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in
Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself; but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions,
and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she
sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch,
and let her know Agrippa’s present design, and what necessity it was which drove
him thereto, and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to
engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s
troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So
they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him
some income of money for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city,
by way of honor to him. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting
him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were
at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another,
Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with
his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus,
one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly,
and was now president of Syria.

3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also
with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa’s brother, but was at variance
with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus
to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him. However, Aristobulus
did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill
terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: The
Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus
was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty
influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that
favor promised him a great deal of money; so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens
as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of
money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough
examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out
of the number of his friends. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came
to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought
to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired
Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as
he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. So
Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and
by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s
own bond and security; but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain
sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand
Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as less than what he desired,
which the other allowed of, because he could not help it. Upon the receipt of this
money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but
Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamhis, sent a band of soldiers to demand
of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar’s
treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He then pretended that
he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off,
and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two
hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not
refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and
at the other instances of her virtue; so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly,
Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest
of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that
Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed
him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for
Judea.

4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius
Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order
to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave
to come over to Caprein: so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an
obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return,
and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat
him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came
a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed
three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when
it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his
government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. When Caesar had
read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should
be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no
way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus,
and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred
thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship; so, out
of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar
with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she
lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder
Tiberius’s friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his
grandson, and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But
upon Agrippa’s kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius,
who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they
bare his father. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed
a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending
the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with
him.

5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height,
there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together,
concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that
Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was
in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa’s freed-man, and
drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; but
when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly
true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who
was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, be replied, that
he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation:
so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual
custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any
other king or tyrant that was so; for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and
no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces
that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so
negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners; insomuch that when he was asked by
his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed
to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should
be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in
their public reception and dismission: that he permitted those governors who had
been sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out of regard to
the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed
to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay
a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more
severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but that if their government
be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having
gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that
if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a
prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same
time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew
more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they
have had time [for their oppressions]. He gave them an example to show his meaning:
A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded;
upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune, and thinking he was
not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him;
but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason
of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery;
to which he answered, “If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse;
for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain
me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come
almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. For
this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors
perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many
oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their
natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect
to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.” And, as a further
attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his
practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but
two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the
government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and
in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that
even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate
death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present
miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; “but I do
it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater
misery.”

6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept
still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum,
which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that
she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him
prove what it would. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts,
from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife,
and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued
in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined
her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation
free from reproach. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when
there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been
her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general
of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined
with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height.
Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more
wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice; for when she had discovered his designs
against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter
to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius,
who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius,
who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect,
and depended upon her in all things. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia
to examine Eutychus, he answered, “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa
in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done
to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let
Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather
bring a punishment upon himself.” Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was
still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon
Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity:
As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius,
her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan,
and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; to which he replied, “O
Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do,
not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he
had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him;
accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he
had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. Upon which he said, “O my
lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat
at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh
that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the
governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be
no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and
I happy also.” Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing
a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects
to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that
respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius;
he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them
it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing
done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he
said. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing:
“For certain,” said he, “Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;” and when
he still asked, “Which of these is to be bound?” he said “Agrippa.” Upon which Agrippa
betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son,
with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated;
but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments.
It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that
he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of
him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus,
carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would let him drink; so the
servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy!
this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of
these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting
to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former
state and dignity.” Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him
amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom,
he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made
him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his
son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The
man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened
a good while later.

7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain
tree for grief, with many others,. who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird
sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an
owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier
who that man in purple was; and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa,
and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he
asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him,
to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating
to his country; which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he
said thus to him by an interpreter: “This sudden change of thy condition, O young
man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity;
nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery
which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. Know
therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place,
who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns
shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee
cheerful without cause; for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief
at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such
thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare
to thee the prediction of the gods. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue
in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted
to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity
thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness
to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this
bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. This event will be brought
to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I
cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee,
that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayst not
regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee,
do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.” So when the
German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared
worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however,
to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed
quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet did she procure of Macro, that
the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion
who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and
that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and
friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be
indulged him. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas
and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great
care of him; they ,also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and
when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as
Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for
six months’ time, and in this case were his affairs.

8. But for Tiberius, upon his return to Caprein, he fell sick. At first his distemper
was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes
of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all
respected, to bring the children to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before
he died. Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his
only son, was dead; but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still living, whose additional
name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the
son of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and
was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account
of the excellent character of his father Germanicus, who had attained the highest
honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness
and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity
he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals;
by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate,
but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which
were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by
him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that
had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men;
not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they
did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his
death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his
easy conversation with men, that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among
all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they
reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but
attain to the government.

9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the
next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal
which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave
it to his son’s son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning
them more than upon his own opinion and inclination; so he made this to be the omen,
that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next
day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson’s tutor,
and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that
God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation;
for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day,
he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out,
and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting
for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said
to Caius, “Thy father calls thee,” and then brought him in. As soon as Tiberius
saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability
of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence
he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his
power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him, and that
his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but
his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would
be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a
kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect
him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly
on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually
contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at
the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, and
the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions
had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once
saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came
in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. So that this Tiberius
was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors,
because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. And indeed
he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very
much grieved at the destruction of his son’s son, which he foresaw, and complained
of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand,
while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity;
whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were
dearest to him, and must die under that torment. Now although he was disordered
at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend
it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination:
“O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own
determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy
hand the Roman empire; and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest
to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy
relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the
gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make
me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because
of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius
is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation;
but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be alone
under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer
those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to
act otherwise, to go off unpunished.” This was the speech which Tiberius made, which
did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when
he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by
the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by
a secret plot laid against him.

10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he
outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two
years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor. But when the
Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had
not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for
they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were
afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy
should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone.
For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of
the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such
a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although
he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in
all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses;
insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were
restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as
they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s
freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa
the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in
the Hebrew tongue, “The lion is dead;” who, understanding his meaning, and being
ovejoyed at the news, “Nay,” said he, “but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend
thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true.”
Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas
came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words
implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said.
They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without
more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him
in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa,
and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there
came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city ill
a few days. At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had
done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this
upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon
he lay, and said, “Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without
punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of
thine head?” When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he
had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in
that evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next day the rumor increased
in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that
men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that
account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which
informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government;
another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also
gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house
where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to
his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease
to his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s
dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws
of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but
Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard
to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death
of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately. However,
there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved,
and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and
appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy
of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also
sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.

11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave
to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised
to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. So, upon
the emperor’s permission, he came into his own country, and appeared to them all
unexpectedly as asking, and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power
of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence;
so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were
so much changed with him for the better.

CHAPTER 7.

How Herod The Tetrarch Was Banished.

1. But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was
tetrarch of Galilee and Peres, took this authority of her brother in an envious
manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him
than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to
pay his debts; and now he was come back, he was in a way of dignity, and of great
good fortune. She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation
of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the
usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she
was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and
desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his; for she said
that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus
who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme
poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely supplied him day
by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king;
while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal
authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented
with a privater life. “But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned
to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had been,
yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to; and do
not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches should he in greater
honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater
things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to
be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity. But let us go to
Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they
cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom.”

2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease,
and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct
her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it,
and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king; and at last she
left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments,
because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready,
after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up
to Rome, and took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa, when he was made sensible
of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon
as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to
carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular
account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity. This man followed Herod
so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while
Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both
sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn, which is itself a little city of
Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that
place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring
to outdo his predecessor’s magnificence; the place ,also affords warm baths, that
spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery
of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men’s
luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked
upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to
accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus
against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia,
in opposition to the government of Caius; as a demonstration of which he alleged,
that he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius
was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the armor
was true; and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny
the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient
proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his
tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s
money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment,
and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. But when he
was informed that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present of what money
was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under
the same calamity with her husband. But she made this reply: “Thou, indeed, O emperor!
actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest
me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the
favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his
prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.” Hereupon Caius was angry at
her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And
thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving
ear to the vain discourses of a woman. Now Caius managed public affairs with great
magnanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and behaved himself with
such moderation, that he gained the good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his
other subjects. But, in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature
in his conceit of himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself
a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself.

CHAPTER 8.

Concerning The Embassage Of The Jews To Caius; (28) And How Caius Sent Petronius
Into Syria To Make War Against The Jews, Unless They Would Receive His Statue.

1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants
and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at
variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria
was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things
that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar;
for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples
to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods,
these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor
of him, as well as to swear by his name. Many of these severe things were said by
Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely
to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts,
brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready
to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; but Caius prohibited
him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he
was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went
out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage,
since Caius’s words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality had already set
God against himself.

2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised by
the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government
to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body
of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple
of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly,
Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar’s epistle.
He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took
with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered,
as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what
he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go
on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands. But there
came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions
to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their
forefathers; “but if,” said they, “thou art entirely resolved to bring this statue,
and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for
while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by
the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers’ determination that such
prohibitions are instances of virtue.” But Petronius was angry at them, and said,
“If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination,
and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me;
but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to
his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction.”
Then the Jews replied, “Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that
thou wilt not disobey Caius’s epistles, neither will we transgress the commands
of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors
of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed,
we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those
laws out of the fear of death, which God hath determined are for our advantage;
and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws,
as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping
them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo
afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. But if we should submit
to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves
ready to transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who,
even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius.”

3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be
removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius
in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed,
he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias,
as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were; and many ten thousands
of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they
must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that
the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence, and made supplication
to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their
city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, “Will you then
make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your
own weakness?” They replied, “We will not by any means make war with him, but still
we will die before we see our laws transgressed.” So they threw themselves down
upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be
slain; and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off
the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them
to sow it. Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves
to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.

4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa’s brother, and
Heleias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in
unto Petronius, and besought him, that since he saw the resolution of the multitude,
he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write
to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue,
and how they continued with him, and left of the tillage off their ground: that
they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it,
but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed:
and how, upon the land’s continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability
they would be under of paying their tributes; and that Caius might be thereby moved
to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying
the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war
upon them, he may then set about it himself. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest
with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, partly on account of the pressing
instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great
consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their
supplication, – partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the
Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a terrible thing for him to be such a slave
to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their
religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation
of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to
let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against
him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps he
might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin
the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself,
it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes
of men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.

5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands
in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did
not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that
his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey
what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had
obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing: –
yet,” said he, “I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and
honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in
number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it
hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your
utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of
God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means
of the imperial authority. I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what
your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may
not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves;
and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and
power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and
may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors. But
if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather
undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my
soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a
manner. Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations,
and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will
not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends.”

6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed rite assembly of the Jews,
he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly
to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he
readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence
to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his
whole design; for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews,
but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; for that
day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain;
nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of
any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds;
insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner,
and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by
no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised
when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain
signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest
much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it. This was also
among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade
him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these
men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means
suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they
paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages. Moreover, that
God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account,
and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the
business that Petronius was now engaged in.

7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of
Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others,
both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure;
nay, it was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could never equal,
much less exceed it (such care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly.
to make all agreeable to Caesar); hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence,
that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses
as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which
he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully,
and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk
to him: “I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great
kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest
under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will
towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be
conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every
thing in which I have been formerly deficient; for all that I have bestowed on thee,
that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy
happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability
will reach.” (34) And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking be would ask
for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities. But although he had prepared
beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made
this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain
that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius,
nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage,
and in order to receive any thing from him; that the gifts he had already bestowed
upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they
may be beneath thy power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination
and dignity, who am the receiver. And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa’s inclinations,
and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify
him with, Agrippa replied, “Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness
to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity;
for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein; but I desire
somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant
to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it,
as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition
is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou
hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius.”

8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great
was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing
it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than
the loss of his life. So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa’s obliging behavior,
and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood
before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa
to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of
what he had said, and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not desiring
him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority,
but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself,
he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending
him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs. “If
therefore,” said’ he,” thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if
thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss
thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first,
for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted
as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to
contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him.” And this was
what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing
him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed
resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. When therefore Caius
was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he
was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What
was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger,
and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any
admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote
thus to Petronius: “Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to
be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient
to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou
art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to
the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands
of their emperor.”

9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not
receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that
other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was
dead; for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of
the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation
of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both
Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were
of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully
severe to them; for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle
which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature
of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration.
Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius’s death came first, and a little
afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon
he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius, and admired God’s providence,
who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard
he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers
they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he
could not foresee.

CHAPTER 9.

What Befell The Jews That Were In Babylon On Occasion Of Asineus And Anileus,
Two Brethren,

1. A Very sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially
those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had
gone before, and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that greater
than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall speak accurately, and
shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them. There was a city
of Babylonia called Neerda; not only a ver populous one, but one that had a good
and a large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also.
It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates
encompassing it all round, and from the wails that were built about it. There was
also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason
the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that
half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well
as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a
treasury, whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many
ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages
of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject. Now there were two
men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another.
They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving
curtains, it not being esteemed ,disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth.
Now he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained that they came
too late to their work, and punished them with stripes; but they took this just
punishment as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that
house, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition
of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and
for preserving such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort
of the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had
gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders
into mischief; for as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them a
citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute
out of them as might be sufficient for their maintenance, proposing also that they
would be their friends, if they would submit to them, and that they would defend
them from all their other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle
of those that refused to obey them. So they hearkened to their proposals, (for they
could do nothing else,) and sent them as many sheep as were required of them; whereby
their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because
they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that every body who had
to do with them chose to pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as
came to assault them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of
Parthia himself.

2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put
a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise
from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians,
and marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one
should carry them the news that he had got an army together. He then encamped at
a lake, and lay still; but on the next day (it was the sabbath, which is among the
Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not
dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners,
without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them
on the sudden. Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them;
upon which he said, “Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding,
but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise of their bridles,
that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However,
let somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there is in the present
state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm.” And when he had
said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again
immediately, and said to him, that “neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us
what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to
people any longer. We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there
is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to
defend ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition
of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day].” But Asiueus did not by any
means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it
more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were
fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die
in the action, than by doing nothing to please their enemies in submitting to be
slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those
that were with him to act as courageously as himself. So they fell upon their enemies,
and slew a great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain
victory, and put the rest to flight.

3. But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was surprised
at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see them, and speak with
them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them: “That
king Artsbanus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt
against his government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behavior, than
to the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand and security;
and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any violence upon the road;
and he wants to have you address yourselves to him as friends, without meaning any
guile or deceit to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you those
respects which will make an addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be
of advantage to you.” Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent
his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and
was admitted to the king’s presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone,
he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to come along with him; and when
he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the
gods of his country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the
assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the greatest force
there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse
with them; for none of them will deceive you when once they have given you their
right hands, nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given,
even though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this,
he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him. Now this the king did,
because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the courage of these
Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with them; for they were ready for
a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, had they been sent on an expedition against
them. He was also afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue
those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those
in Babylonia, should be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they should
hear of that revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would
not fail of doing further mischief to him.

4. When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus prevailed
on his brother [to come to the king], when he had related to him the king’s good-will,
and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly, they made haste to go to Artsbanus,
who received them when they were come with pleasure, and admired Asineus’s courage
in the actions he had done, and this because he was a little man to see to, and
at first sight appeared contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of
no value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he showed
his soul to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as they were drinking
together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army,
and told him his name, and described the great courage he was of in war, and Abdagases
had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict on him a punishment for those
injuries he had done to the Parthian government, the king replied, “I will never
give thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not after
I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his belief by oaths made by
the gods. But if thou be a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need of my perjury.
Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when he is returned
back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my privity.”
Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, “It is time for thee, O thou
young man! to return home, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in this
place any further, lest they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation.
I commit to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be
preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inviolable
to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that concerned thy safety,
and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to me.” When he had said this, and
given Asineus some presents, he sent him away immediately; who, when he was come
home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time, and managed things with
such courage and success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever
did before him. Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him
great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them
too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in no small dignity and power
there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more
and more flourished in this happy condition of his for fifteen years.

5. But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang up a calamity
among them on the following occasion. When once they had deviated from that course
of virtue whereby they had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed
the laws of their forefathers, and fell under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures.
A certain Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts, had a wife
following him, who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly
was admired above all other women for her beauty. Anileus, the brother of Asineus,
either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself also, and
so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy
this woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought
he could not conquer his inclinations for her. As soon therefore as her husband
had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the
deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their
house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus
also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following. Since she
was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the images of
those gods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to herself:
now it was the custom of that country for all to have the idols they worship in
their own houses, and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign
land; agreeable to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at
first she performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become Anileus’s
married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the same appointed
ceremonies which she used in her former husband’s days; upon which their most esteemed
friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews,
nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one
that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies;
that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body,
he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high
authority which, by God’s blessing, he had arrived at. But when they prevailed not
at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, because
of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of regard to the laws,
imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that
all their companions might come to a like end from their enemies; upon the two first
as the principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would
not assist him when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were
sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they remembered that
they had arrived at their present happy state by no other means than their fortitude.
But when they also heard of the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore,
they thought the injury that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no longer;
and a greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of Aniteus,
and told him that it had been well that he had of himself seen what was advantageous
to them; but that however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss,
before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and all the
rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their
consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this
woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped. Now Asineus
was sensible of his brother’s offense, that it had been already the cause of great
mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from
the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account
that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations. But as more and
more still came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater, he
at length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his former actions,
and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to her
relations. But nothing was gained by these reproofs; for as the woman perceived
what a tumult was made among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus,
lest he should come to any harm for his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus’s
food, and thereby took him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her lover
was to be judge of what should be done about her.

6. So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army against
the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority in Parthin, and
had married king Artabanus’s daughter; he also plundered them, and among that prey
was found much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many
other things, which, when gained, make men’s condition happy. Now when Mithridates,
who was there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much
displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him
in his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him beforehand; and
he got together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that
number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus; and when he
was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to
fight him on the day following, because it was the sabbath, the day on which the
Jews rest. And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another
village, who not only gave him an exact account of other circumstances, but told
him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and
marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the Parthians while they were unaprrized
what they should do; so he fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and
some of them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and took
Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass which, among the Parthians, is
esteemed the greatest reproach possible. And when he had brought him into a wood
with such a resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon
told them his own mind to the contrary, and said that it was not right to kill a
man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored
with matching into the royal family; that so far as they had hitherto gone was tolerable;
for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they preserved his life, this
benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage of those that gave it him; but
that if be were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made
a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; “to whose safety we ought to
have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune
befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower
of their youth under him.” By this thought, and this speech of his made in council,
he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was
got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king,
he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care
about it, but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to have
escaped them; and she bid him either to go back like a man of courage, or else she
sware by the gods of their royal family that she would certainly dissolve her marriage
with him. Upon which, partly because he could not bear the daily trouble of her
taunts, and partly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest
dissolve their marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together
again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as himself thinking
it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe his preservation
to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war.

7. But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with a great
army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes,
and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have
the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before; as also he ventured
boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly, he led out his army, and a great many
more joined themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the
people, and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers. But when they
had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through dry [and sandy] places,
and about the midst of the day, they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared,
and fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account,
and on account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons.
So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were
to attack those that were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made,
and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood firm about him,
ran away as fast as they were able into a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure
of having gained a great victory over them. But there now came in to Anileus a conflux
of bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some
present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multitude
of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell,
because they were rash, and unexercised in war; however, with these he came upon
the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty devastation of all things was made
there by the injuries that Anileus did them. So the Babylonians, and those that
had already been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus.
But although they did not agree to their demands, (for if they had been willing
to deliver him up, it was not in their power so to do,) yet did they desire to make
peace with them. To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions
of peace with them, and sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with
Anileus about them. But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and
having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were
drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear,
and killed Anileus himself also.

8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus’s heavy incursions, which had
been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the Jews; for
they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contrariety of their laws;
and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the other:
and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin of Anileus’s party, the
Babylonians attacked the Jews, which made those Jews so, vehemently to resent the
injuries they received from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them,
nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city of those
parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by many of the Macedonians,
but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there; and thither
did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any misfortunes. But on the
sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new removals
of men’s habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it happened
that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that account which I am going to
relate immediately.

9. Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks and Syrians,
was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the Greeks were too hard
for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them,
there arose a sedition, and the Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance
of the Jews, who are men that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any
occasion. Now when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they
had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could
prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discoursed
with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they
would be at peace and friendship with them. Accordingly, they gladly agreed so to
do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed
to a reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they both knew that the great
design of such their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly,
they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the Jews were all
destroyed, excepting a few who escaped, either by the compassion which their friends
or neighbors afforded them, in order to let them fly away. These retired to Ctesiphon,
a Grecian city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives
in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are reposited; but
the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Seleucia having little concern
for the king’s honor. Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both of the
Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places
agreed with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews; so the most of them gathered
themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there
by the strength of those cities; besides which their inhabitants, who were a great
many, were all warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.