The Works of Tacitus
tr. by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb
[1864-1877]
Tacitus: Annals Book 12 [40]
40. The emperor on hearing of the death of his representative appointed Aulus
Didius in his place, that the province might not be left without a governor.
Didius, though he quickly arrived, found matters far from prosperous, for the
legion under the command of Manlius Valens had meanwhile been defeated, and
the disaster had been exaggerated by the enemy to alarm the new general, while
he again magnified it, that he might win the more glory by quelling the movement
or have a fairer excuse if it lasted. This loss too had been inflicted on us
by the Silures, and they were scouring the country far and wide, till Didius
hurried up and dispersed them. After the capture of Caractacus, Venutius of
the Brigantes, as I have already mentioned, was pre-eminent in military skill;
he had long been loyal to Rome and had been defended by our arms while he was
united in marriage to the queen Cartismandua. Subsequently a quarrel broke out
between them, followed instantly by war, and he then assumed a hostile attitude
also towards us. At first, however, they simply fought against each other, and
Cartismandua by cunning stratagems captured the brothers and kinsfolk of Venutius.
This enraged the enemy, who were stung with shame at the prospect of falling
under the dominion of a woman. The flower of their youth, picked out for war,
invaded her kingdom. This we had foreseen; some cohorts were sent to her aid
and a sharp contest followed, which was at first doubtful but had a satisfactory
termination. The legion under the command of Caesius Nasica fought with a similar
result. For Didius, burdened with years and covered with honours, was content
with acting through his officers and merely holding back the enemy. These transactions,
though occurring under two propraetors, and occupying several years, I have
closely connected, lest, if related separately, they might be less easily remembered.
I now return to the chronological order.
41. In the fifth consulship of Tiberius Claudius with Sextius Cornelius Orfitus
for his colleague, Nero was prematurely invested with the dress of manhood,
that he might be thought qualified for political life. The emperor willingly
complied with the flatteries of the Senate who wished Nero to enter on the consulship
in his twentieth year, and meanwhile, as consul-elect, to have pro-consular
authority beyond the limits of the capital with the title of “prince of the
youth of Rome.” A donative was also given to the soldiery in Nero’s name, and
presents to the city populace. At the games too of the circus which were then
being celebrated to win for him popular favour, Britannicus wore the dress of
boyhood, Nero the triumphal robe, as they rode in the procession. The people
would thus behold the one with the decorations of a general, the other in a
boy’s habit, and would accordingly anticipate their respective destinies. At
the same time those of the centurions and tribunes who pitied the lot of Britannicus
were removed, some on false pretexts, others by way of a seeming compliment.
Even of the freedmen, all who were of incorruptible fidelity were discarded
on the following provocation. Once when they met, Nero greeted Britannicus by
that name and was greeted in return as Domitius. Agrippina reported this to
her husband, with bitter complaint, as the beginning of a quarrel, as implying,
in fact, contempt of Nero’s adoption and a cancelling at home of the Senate’s
decree and the people’s vote. She said, too, that, if the perversity of such
malignant suggestions were not checked, it would issue in the ruin of the State.
Claudius, enraged by what he took as a grave charge, punished with banishment
or death all his son’s best instructors, and set persons appointed by his stepmother
to have the care of him.
42. Still Agrippina did not yet dare to attempt her greatest scheme, unless
Lusius Geta and Rufius Crispinus were removed from the command of the praetorian
cohorts; for she thought that they cherished Messalina’s memory and were devoted
to her children. Accordingly, as the emperor’s wife persistently affirmed that
faction was rife among these cohorts through the rivalry of the two officers,
and that there would be stricter discipline under one commander, the appointment
was transferred to Burrus Afranius, who had a brilliant reputation as a soldier,
but knew well to whose wish he owed his promotion. Agrippina, too, continued
to exalt her own dignity; she would enter the Capitol in a chariot, a practice,
which being allowed of old only to the priests and sacred images, increased
the popular reverence for a woman who up to this time was the only recorded
instance of one who, an emperor’s daughter, was sister, wife, and mother of
a sovereign. Meanwhile her foremost champion, Vitellius, in the full tide of
his power and in extreme age (so uncertain are the fortunes of the great) was
attacked by an accusation of which Junius Lupus, a senator, was the author.
He was charged with treason and designs on the throne. The emperor would have
lent a ready ear, had not Agrippina, by threats rather than entreaties, induced
him to sentence the accuser to outlawry. This was all that Vitellius desired.
43. Several prodigies occurred in that year. Birds of evil omen perched on
the Capitol; houses were thrown down by frequent shocks of earthquake, and as
the panic spread, all the weak were trodden down in the hurry and confusion
of the crowd. Scanty crops too, and consequent famine were regarded as a token
of calamity. Nor were there merely whispered complaints; while Claudius was
administering justice, the populace crowded round him with a boisterous clamour
and drove him to a corner of the forum, where they violently pressed on him
till he broke through the furious mob with a body of soldiers. It was ascertained
that Rome had provisions for no more than fifteen days, and it was through the
signal bounty of heaven and the mildness of the winter that its desperate plight
was relieved. And yet in past days Italy used to send supplies for the legions
into distant provinces, and even now it is not a barren soil which causes distress.
But we prefer to cultivate Africa and Egypt, and trust the life of the Roman
people to ships and all their risks.
44. In the same year war broke out between the Armenians and Iberians, and
was the cause of very serious disturbances between Parthia and Rome. Vologeses
was king of the Parthians; on the mother’s side, he was the offspring of a Greek
concubine, and he obtained the throne by the retirement of his brothers. Pharasmanes
had been long in possession of Iberia, and his brother, Mithridates, ruled Armenia
with our powerful support. There was a son of Pharasmanes named Rhadamistus,
tall and handsome, of singular bodily strength, trained in all the accomplishments
of his countrymen and highly renowned among his neighbours. He boasted so arrogantly
and persistently that his father’s prolonged old age kept back from him the
little kingdom of Iberia as to make no concealment of his ambition. Pharasmanes
accordingly seeing the young prince had power in his grasp and was strong in
the attachment of his people, fearing too his own declining years, tempted him
with other prospects and pointed to Armenia, which, as he reminded him, he had
given to Mithridates after driving out the Parthians. But open violence, he
said, must be deferred; artful measures, which might crush him unawares, were
better. So Rhadamistus pretended to be at feud with his father as though his
stepmother’s hatred was too strong for him, and went to his uncle. While he
was treated by him like a son, with excessive kindness, he lured the nobles
of Armenia into revolutionary schemes, without the knowledge of Mithridates,
who was actually loading him with honours.
45. He then assumed a show of reconciliation with his father, to whom he
returned, telling him all that could be accomplished by treachery was now ready
and that he must complete the affair by the sword. Meanwhile Pharasmanes invented
pretexts for war; when he was fighting with the king of the Albanians and appealing
to the Romans for aid, his brother, he said, had opposed him, and he would now
avenge that wrong by his destruction. At the same time he gave a large army
to his son, who by a sudden invasion drove Mithridates in terror from the open
country and forced him into the fortress of Gorneas, which was strongly situated
and garrisoned by some soldiers under the command of Caelius Pollio, a camp-prefect,
and Casperius, a centurion. There is nothing of which barbarians are so ignorant
as military engines and the skilful management of sieges, while that is a branch
of military science which we especially understand. And so Rhadamistus having
attempted the fortified walls in vain or with loss, began a blockade, and, finding
that his assaults were despised, tried to bribe the rapacity of the camp-prefect.
Casperius protested earnestly against the overthrow of an allied king and of
Armenia, the gift of the Roman people, through iniquity and greed of gain. At
last, as Pollio pleaded the overpowering numbers of the enemy and Rhadamistus
the orders of his father, the centurion stipulated for a truce and retired,
intending, if he could not deter Pharasmanes from further hostilities, to inform
Ummidius Quadratus, the governor of Syria, of the state of Armenia.
46. By the centurion’s departure the camp prefect was released, so to say,
from surveillance; and he now urged Mithridates to conclude a treaty. He reminded
him of the tie of brotherhood, of the seniority in age of Pharasmanes, and of
their other bonds of kindred, how he was united by marriage to his brother’s
daughter, and was himself the father-in-law of Rhadamistus. “The Iberians,”
he said, “were not against peace, though for the moment they were the stronger;
the perfidy of the Armenians was notorious, and he had nothing to fall back
on but a fortress without stores; so he must not hesitate to prefer a bloodless
negotiation to arms.” As Mithridates wavered, and suspected the intentions of
the camp-prefect, because he had seduced one of the king’s concubines and was
reputed a man who could be bribed into any wickedness, Casperius meantime went
to Pharasmanes, and required of him that the Iberians should raise the blockade.
Pharasmanes, to his face, replied vaguely and often in a conciliatory tone,
while by secret messages he recommended Rhadamistus to hurry on the siege by
all possible means. Then the price of infamy was raised, and Pollio by secret
corruption induced the soldiers to demand peace and to threaten that they would
abandon the garrison. Under this compulsion, Mithridates agreed to a day and
a place for negotiation and quitted the fortress.
47. Rhadamistus at first threw himself into his embraces, feigning respect
and calling him father-in-law and parent. He swore an oath too that he would
do him no violence either by the sword or by poison. At the same time he drew
him into a neighbouring grove, where he assured him that the appointed sacrifice
was prepared for the confirmation of peace in the presence of the gods. It is
a custom of these princes, whenever they join alliance, to unite their right
hands and bind together the thumbs in a tight knot; then, when the blood has
flowed into the extremities, they let it escape by a slight puncture and suck
it in turn. Such a treaty is thought to have a mysterious sanctity, as being
sealed with the blood of both parties. On this occasion he who was applying
the knot pretended that it had fallen off, and suddenly seizing the knees of
Mithridates flung him to the ground. At the same moment a rush was made by a
number of persons, and chains were thrown round him. Then he was dragged along
by a fetter, an extreme degradation to a barbarian; and soon the common people,
whom he had held under a harsh sway, heaped insults on him with menacing gestures,
though some, on the contrary, pitied such a reverse of fortune. His wife followed
him with his little children, and filled every place with her wailings. They
were hidden away in different covered carriages till the orders of Pharasmanes
were distinctly ascertained. The lust of rule was more to him than his brother
and his daughter, and his heart was steeled to any wickedness. Still he spared
his eyes the seeing them slain before his face. Rhadamistus too, seemingly mindful
of his oath, neither unsheathed the sword nor used poison against his sister
and uncle, but had them thrown on the ground and then smothered them under a
mass of heavy clothes. Even the sons of Mithridates were butchered for having
shed tears over their parent’s murder.
48. Quadratus, learning that Mithridates had been betrayed and that his kingdom
was in the hands of his murderers, summoned a council, and, having informed
them of what had occurred, consulted them whether he should take vengeance.
Few cared for the honour of the State; most argued in favour of a safe course,
saying “that any crime in a foreign country was to be welcomed with joy, and
that the seeds of strife ought to be actually sown, on the very principle on
which Roman emperors had often under a show of generosity given away this same
kingdom of Armenia to excite the minds of the barbarians. Rhadamistus might
retain his ill-gotten gains, as long as he was hated and infamous; for this
was more to Rome’s interest than for him to have succeeded with glory.” To this
view they assented, but that they might not be thought to have approved the
crime and receive contrary orders from the emperor, envoys were sent to Pharasmanes,
requiring him to withdraw from Armenian territory and remove his son.
49. Julius Pelignus was then procurator of Cappadocia, a man despised alike
for his feebleness of mind and his grotesque personal appearance. He was however
very intimate with Claudius, who, when in private life, used to beguile the
dullness of his leisure with the society of jesters. This Pelignus collected
some provincial auxiliaries, apparently with the design of recovering Armenia,
but, while he plundered allies instead of enemies, finding himself, through
the desertion of his men and the raids of the barbarians, utterly defenceless,
he went to Rhadamistus, whose gifts so completely overcame him that he positively
encouraged him to assume the ensigns of royalty, and himself assisted at the
ceremony, authorizing and abetting. When the disgraceful news had spread far
and wide, lest the world might judge of other governors by Pelignus, Helvidius
Priscus was sent in command of a legion to regulate, according to circumstances,
the disordered state of affairs. He quickly crossed Mount Taurus, and had restored
order to a great extent more by moderation than by force, when he was ordered
to return to Syria, that nothing might arise to provoke a war with Parthia.
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